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    Wyświetlanie 1-8 z 8
    Tytuł:
    MATEMATYKA A PRZYRODA W UJĘCIU ABPA JÓZEFA ŻYCIŃSKIEGO
    MATHEMATICS AND THE NATURE ACCORDING TO ARCHBISHOP JÓZEF ŻYCIŃSKI
    Autorzy:
    Lemańska, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488233.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2012
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Józef Życiński
    matematyczność przyrody
    platonizm
    mathematicity of nature
    Platonism
    Opis:
    In the article the views of Archbishop Józef Życiński on the relationship between nature and mathematics are outlined. Życiński states that formal structures create the basic level of nature. This enables him to explain the effectiveness of mathematics in the scientific research of the material world. He therefore accepts Platonism and the thesis of mathematicity of nature. In the article some of the difficulties of this concept are pointed out.
    W artykule zostały naszkicowane poglądy ks. abpa Józefa Życińskiego na temat relacji między przyrodą a matematyką. Życiński stwierdza, że podstawowy poziom rzeczywistości przyrodniczej tworzą struktury formalne. To pozwala mu wyjaśnić skuteczność matematyki w badaniach świata materialnego. Przyjmuje zatem platonizm i tezę o matematyczności przyrody. W artykule wskazano na niektóre trudności takiej koncepcji.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2012, 60, 4; 283-296
    0035-7685
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Dowód matematyczny z punktu widzenia formalizmu matematycznego. Część II
    Mathematical Proof from the Formalistic Viewpoint. Part II
    Autorzy:
    Wójtowicz, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2013331.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2007
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    program Hilberta
    platonizm Fregego
    intuicja matematyczna
    Hilbert’s program
    Frege’s Platonism
    mathematical intuition
    Opis:
    In the second part I discuss Frege’s and Hilbert views on the nature of mathematical proof, in particular their discussion concerning the problem of implicit definitions. I also discuss Hilbert’s program and conclude with some remarks concerning the problem of the “decline of intuition” in the formalistic conception of mathematical proof.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2007, 55, 2; 139-153
    0035-7685
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ficino And Savonarola Two Faces of the Florence Renaissance
    Autorzy:
    Gawrońska-Oramus, Beata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1806836.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019-10-23
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Ficino; Savonarola; Pico della Mirandola; neo-Platonism; art; religion; Renaissance; republic; piagnoni; Apologia contra Savonarolam
    Opis:
    The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 61 (2013), issue 4. Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy—Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of de Medici times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale—Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell'arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations were both surprisingly similar and contradictory. They both came from families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in de Medicis' residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to d’Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in opposing political camps. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests, they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did a formidable work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Church, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the era, he was interested in astrology and prepared accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, which had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous “Bonfires of the Vanities.” Ficino only seemingly passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless, over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist did not hesitate to thank the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence's community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts. 
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2018, 66, 4 Selected Papers in English; 63-86
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ontologia Platona a ewolucja kosmiczna
    Plato’s Ontology and Cosmic Evolution
    Autorzy:
    Życiński, Józef
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2013402.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2006
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    immanencja Boga
    ewolucja
    struktura nomiczna
    platonizm
    filozofia procesu
    God’s immanence
    evolution
    nomic structure
    Platonism
    process philosophy
    Opis:
    Abstract mathematical formulae are our “mother tongue”, thanks to which we are able to develop a creative dialogue with our physical environment. The application of the language of mathematics gives us access to valuable information about events which occurred billions years ago and so allows us to reconstruct the history of the universe. This amazing property of nature inspires a non-trivial philosophical question: Why are there the mathematically described universal laws of physics at all, when nature could have been only an uncoordinated disorder? The existence of the universal laws of nature seems to constitute the essence of the ontological structure of the world. Various authors call this basic field of formal structures – the matrix of the universe, the field of rationality, the formal field, the Logos, the Absolute, etc. Jan Łukasiewicz, the well-known representative of the Polish School of Logic, argued that the reality of ideal mathematical structures independent of human experience could be regarded as an expression of God’s presence in nature. Regardless of our terminological preferences, this structure can be regarded as a basic level of physical reality where the necessitarian interpretation of the laws of nature is confirmed and the astonishing effectiveness of mathematics could be explained.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2006, 54, 2; 335-349
    0035-7685
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Castiglionego i Górnickiego pochwała muzyki (na podstawie pierwszych ksiąg Il Cortigiano i Dworzanina polskiego)
    Castiglione’s and Górnicki’s Praise for Music. (On the Basis of the First Books of Il Cortigiano and Dworzanin polski)
    Autorzy:
    Wojtkowska-Maksymik, Marta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1945408.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2008
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    literatura renesansowa
    pareneza
    muzyka
    dworzanin
    neoplatonizm
    humanizm
    edukacja
    renaissance literature
    parenesis
    music
    courtier
    neo-Platonism
    humanism
    education
    Opis:
    This paper is based on an analysis that compares some texts devoted to music taken from Łukasz Górnicki’s “Dworzanin polski” (1566) and Baldassarr Castiglione’s “Il libro del Cortigiano” (1528). The purpose of this comparison is to show the relationship of the works under study with the broad philosophical and literary tradition of the sixteenth century. It also seeks to answer the question about the function played by music and musical education in the image of a perfect courtier.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2008, 56, 1; 109-128
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    O platonizmie w teorii mnogości
    On Platonism in Set Theory
    Autorzy:
    Król, Zbigniew
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2015765.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2003
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    platonizm
    teoria mnogości
    hermeneutyka matematyki
    fenomenologia
    Heidegger
    konstruktywizm
    intuicjonizm
    platonism
    set theory
    hermeneutics of mathematics
    phenomenology
    constructivism
    intuitionism
    Opis:
    This article points at some (strictly) mathematical methods, which often tend to display not fully conscious treatment of mathematical reality as given, existing and already-present-there. This attitude is prequisite for mathematical research (including set theory), and not merely apsychological add-on, and the methods can be best described as „platonism as method ofenquiry in mathematics” (pl.Metod.) and „platonism as mode of existence of infinity” (pl.Niesk.). Thus, platonism becomes one of the problems internal to mathematics. Identifying pl.Metod. and pl.Niesk. as such, being described here with respect to set theory, is only astarting point in the process of grasping and explaining platonism. This requires phenomenological hermeneutics of mathematics to be conceived (cf. [Z. K.]).
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2003, 51, 3; 225-252
    0035-7685
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Ficino i Savonarola. Dwa oblicza florenckiego renesansu
    Ficino and Savonarola. Two faces of the Florence Renaissance
    Autorzy:
    Gawrońska-Oramus, Beata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1890573.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2013
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    Ficino
    Savonarola
    Pico della Mirandola
    neoplatonizm
    sztuka
    religia
    renesans
    republika
    piagnoni
    Apologia contra Savonarolam
    neo-Platonism
    art
    religion
    Renaissance
    republic
    Opis:
    Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy – Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of the Medicean times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale – Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell’arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations assumed the shape of surprising similarities and contradictions. They both came from the families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times, and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in the Medici’s residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to the Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in political camps that opposed each other. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did gigantic work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Chuch, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the epoch he was interested in astrology and he cast accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, that had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous „Bonfires of the Vanities”. Seemingly Ficino passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of a political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist had no hesitation in thanking the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the Antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence’s community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne; 2013, 61, 4; 103-126
    0035-7707
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Humanistyczne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Agnostos Theos: Relacja między nieskończonością a niepoznawalnością Boga w doktrynach medioplatoników
    The relationship between infinity and the unknowability of God in the doctrines of the middle Platonists
    Autorzy:
    Mrugalski, Damian
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/488607.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
    Tematy:
    niepoznawalność Boga
    nieskończoność Boga
    transcendencja Boga
    Platon
    medioplatonizm
    filozofia patrystyczna
    wpływy filozoficzne na doktrynę chrześcijańską
    chrześcijańskie wpływy na grecką filozofię
    unknowability of God
    infinity of God
    transcendence of God
    Plato
    Middle Platonism
    patristic philosophy
    philosophical influences on Christian doctrine
    Christian influences on Greek philosophy
    Opis:
    W czasach poprzedzających powstanie neoplatonizmu (I-III wiek przed Chr.) filozofowie zwani dziś medioplatonikami snuli rozbudowaną refleksję na temat możliwości poznania Boga oraz dróg prowadzących do zdobycia wiedzy o tym, co transcendentne. Zgodnie ze słowami Platona: „Znaleźć Twórcę i Ojca tego wszechświata jest rzeczą trudną, lecz znalazłszy Go, jest niemożliwe opowiadać o Nim wszystkim” (PLATO, Timaeus 28c) medioplatonicy uważali, że Bóg, którego utożsamiali niekiedy z platońskim Jednem i Dobrem, jest poznawalny, lecz niewyrażalny. Choć poznaniu Boga towarzyszy trud związany z procesem intelektualnego i etycznego doskonalenia się, a to, co poznane w tym procesie, jest niemożliwe do wypowiedzenia w ludzkim języku, to jednak wiedza o Bogu i upodobnienie się do Niego jest celem wszelkiej filozofii platońskiej. Do podobnych wniosków dochodzili myśliciele żydowscy i chrześcijańscy tworzący w tym samym czasie, tacy jak Filon z Aleksandrii, Klemens z Aleksandrii czy Orygenes, zaliczani niekiedy również do grona filozofów medioplatońskich. W odróżnieniu od swych pogańskich kolegów, uważali oni jednak, że proces poznawania Boga przez człowieka będzie trwał w nieskończoność, a skończony ludzki umysł nigdy nie będzie w stanie objąć w zupełności tego, co nieskończone. Za nieskończoną bowiem uznawali istotę i moc Boga. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest ukazanie związku między nieskończonością a niepoznawalnością Boga, a zarazem wskazanie na różnice w tezach stawianych w tej kwestii przez medioplatoników pogańskich i tych, którzy przyjmowali Objawienie judeo-chrześcijańskie.
    In the times preceding the emergence of Neo-Platonism (1st–3rd century BC), the philosophers now known as Middle Platonists elaborated an extensive reflection on the possibility of knowing God, and the ways that could lead to acquiring knowledge about the transcendent. According to Plato, “To discover the Maker and Father of this Universe were a task indeed; and having discovered Him, to declare Him unto all men were a thing impossible” (PLATO, Timaeus 28c). The Middle Platonists believed that God, whom they sometimes identified with the Platonic One and Good, is possible to know but not possible to express. Even though the knowledge of God is accompanied by all the difficulties associated with the process of intellectual and ethical improvement, and although what one comes to know in this process is ultimately impossible to express in human language, gaining knowledge of God and becoming like Him is nevertheless the goal of all Platonic philosophy. Jewish and Christian thinkers working at this time came to similar conclusions. These include Philo of Alexandria, Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, who are themselves sometimes deemed Middle-Platonic philosophers. Unlike their pagan colleagues, they believed that man’s process of coming to know God would go on forever. They thought that the finite human mind would never be able to contain the infinite, and they held that the essence and power of God are indeed infinite. The goal of this article is to expose the relationship between the infinity and the unknowability of God, and at the same time to point out the differences in the theses put forward on this question by pagan Middle Platonists and those who accepted Judeo-Christian revelation.
    Źródło:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne; 2019, 67, 3; 25-51
    0035-7685
    Pojawia się w:
    Roczniki Filozoficzne
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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