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Wyszukujesz frazę "Ghana" wg kryterium: Wszystkie pola


Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
Wtórny pogrzeb u plemienia Bimonkpom ludu Konkomba z Ghany
Secondary Funeral among the Bimonkpom Tribe of the Konkomba People of Ghana
Autorzy:
Zimoń, Henryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2143823.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-01-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
pogrzeb wtórny
żałoba
ryty puryfikacyjne
ryty dywinacyjne
ryty pożegnania
przodkostwo
lud Konkomba
plemię Bimonkpom
północna Ghana
secondary funeral
mourning
puryfying rites
divinatory rites
farewell rites
ancestry
the Konkomba people
the Bimonkpom tribe
northern Ghana
Opis:
The Konkomba, like other African peoples, do not consider the fact of death as immediate and final nor the dead person as either living or finally dead. Among the Konkomba, this transitory period between burial and secondary funeral lasts three or four years. The transitory period finishes with the secondary funeral, which lasts five to seven days. In a very expansive village of Sambul, including as many as 10 lineages and comprising about 95 homesteads, the secondary funeral took place simultaneously in eight lineages. The paper presents and analyses the secondary funeral in the lineage of Mpwando, where the author took part. This funeral lasted six days and was held between 26 April and 1 May, 1991. Comparing this secondary funeral of the Bimonkpom tribe in the village of Sambul with three secondary funerals of the Bichabob tribe in the villages of Nalongni, Sobib and Kumawa- teek, both similarities and certain differences can be observed in a number of customs and rites. Because of a large number of deceased people only in Sambul, divination rites were held on the second and third days. However, as a custom, divination on the third day in Sambul was more important, which confirms the significance of this day for divination among the Konkomba. A complete novelty in Sambul was visiting the market place by widows and accompanying persons in the evening of the third day. In the village of Sambul the widows did not visit the farm in the bush belonging to the oldest man or other older men, which is done in the tribes of Bichabob and Nakpantiib. In the tribes of Bimonkpom, Binalob and Bigbem, the widows visit the farm of the oldest man a few days after the burial. Shooting at a pole and a rooster in Sambul closes exceptionally the secondary funeral. Among the Bicha- bob the presentation and division of personal belongings of the deceased old men always ends the secondary funeral. The costly celebration of the secondary funeral, which requires a substantial financial spending on food and beer, is held in each lineage of Sambul every few years in remembrance of all who died since the last secondary funeral. It is only after the secondary funeral that a dead old man (or an old woman) can attain the dignity of an ancestor and his property (land, wives, sacred objects and power) is inherited and taken over via the mediation of the oldest member of the lineage by the dead person’s relatives who are his lineal descendants, that is brothers and sons, according to the principle of primogeniture. The secondary funeral finishes the transitory period of uncertainty, opens the way for the dead to the ancestors’ realm and confirms that older men and women have achieved the dignity of ancestors. From that time on, the Konkomba recall the deceased men and women together with other ancestors in the rituals that have home, lineage, clan and supraclan character performed in different life situations. In an attitude of respect and trust, they try - through their prayers and offerings - to gain the support and favour of the ancestors, who - as mediators between god Uwumbor and the living - take an active part in the life of the community and influence the fate of the living. The performance of different rites and symbolical activities of the secondary funeral emphasizes that the dead and the community change their roles and functions. The dead person is transformed from somebody who threatens the community to its guardian as a member of the invisible community of the dead. The secondary funeral ultimately finishes the mourning period after the dead, it confirms triumph of the community over death, emphasizes the value of life and leads the community through the hard crisis caused by the death of its members. Besides, the secondary funeral integrates the ethnic groups, helps the living people to accept the new status, and introduces them into the normal relations with the relatives and other people.
Źródło:
Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii; 2009, 1; 147-163
2080-8534
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przeszłość i teraźniejszość stosunków Polski z Republiką Ghany
The Past and Presence of the Relationships between Poland and Republic of Ghana
Autorzy:
Knopek, Jacek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1963331.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019-07-27
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Opis:
This paper shows the development of the relationships between Polish land and state and West-African region, in particular Republic of Ghana, starting from the first exploratory expeditions up to the construction of institutional solutions in the second half of the 20th century. The first documented visits of Polish people on the coast of Ghana date back to 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, when this territory went under the colonial rules of Great Britain. These people were soldiers, administrators and traders. During the inter-war period, the Polish state was interested in gaining its own areas on this territory with the intention of future economic development. These coasts were also reached by few travelers and emigrants searching for work. Only few people can be distinguished from the Polish community staying in Ghana. This situation changed during the Second World War and post-war period. At the beginning of the 40's in Ghana an important military mission was created which was managed by allied forces. Its aim was to transport the military equipment to Northern Africa which was involved in war. Therefore, pilots and technicians were sent to Ghana for operating British planes. They were accompanied by soldiers and officers constituting the protection of the transport base and caring for order in the colony. Among people arriving in Ghana were representatives of the Polish Military Forces in West. During the first years after the end of the Second World War, a part of Polish soldiers stayed in Ghana. Over time representatives of the civil emigrant workers centered on the British Isles joined them. In the 50's the Polish community in Ghana increased to approximately 100 people. This situation changed again after 1957 when the independent state was created in West Africa. Polish-Ghanian diplomatic, economic and cultural relationships were soon started. During the first years they brought fruit in the form of dynamically developing economic co-operation, goods exchange, providing education according to the needs of the Ghanian market and the arrival of Polish scientific and technical specialists to Ghana. For Poland, Ghana was, apart from Nigeria, one of the most attractive markets in West Africa in years 1960-1966. This situation changed after the first president of Ghana who created a one-party system based on close co-operation with countries of the Eastern Block, lost his position. At the threshold of 21st century Ghana is the reflection of Polish policy towards Subsaharian Africa. It is still located in the-so-called first group of countries with priority for Polish policy with respect to this region. This is the consequence of Polish needs and economic and trade interests. Contemporary Polish community in Ghana amounts to approximately 100 people. In main part it resulted from mixed Polish-Ghanian marriages, so it can be described as matrimonial emigration. The remaining part are Polish priests and nuns working on missions.
Źródło:
Studia Polonijne; 2005, 26; 103-133
0137-5210
Pojawia się w:
Studia Polonijne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wróżbiarskie rytuały małego pogrzebu wtórnego u Ludu Konkomba z Północnej Ghany
Divinitation Rituals of the Small Secondary Funeral among the Konkomba of Northern Ghana
Autorzy:
Zimoń, Henryk
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2143997.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-01-30
Wydawca:
Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II. Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL
Tematy:
zła śmierć
wróżbita
wróżbiarstwo
mały pogrzeb wtórny
wioska Kukuln
lud Konkomba
Afryka Zachodnia
bad death
diviner
divination
small secondary funeral
village of Kukuln
Konkomba people
West Africa
Opis:
This article describes and interprets two divination rituals of the so-called small secondary funeral in the village of Kutuln. These relate to a bad death, which occurs when people die prematurely or inappropriately. Africans feel fear toward the dead who in life were bad people and those who died a bad death. The concept of a bad death for Africans presents their approach to life, the time of death and the moral evaluation of dead people, as a premature or unusual death is not accidental. A bad death explains the course of human life and has an impact on the burial of the deceased and his fate in the afterlife. Africans believe that those who die a bad death, do not leave the sphere of human life and do not pass into the land of their ancestors. People who die a bad death are deprived of a normal burial and extensive secondary funeral, and the living will never respect them and called upon them through prayers and sacrifices. Small secondary funerals among the Konkomba are limited to the divining rites, which last one day. The course of divination is similar in small and large secondary funerals. The initial phase of divination using 10 cowrie shells is decisive and important. During the long speech, Bingo, the main diviner or the master reveals and explains the causes of the bad death and propose preventive measures designed to remove ritual impurity and the propitiation of supernatural beings. The cause of death of the woman Mafimbi were quarrels and disagreements with her husband in the village of Bwana, caused by her lover Nbale. She would have happily married him, but her father did not agree to it. Her lover Nbale persuaded Mafimbi not to eat or drink in the home of her husband. The second case concerns the death of a nameless girl who died on the day of her birth because of quarreling parents: her father Bindifrim and her mother Ndodebu living in the village of Jinjinabi. Noteworthy is the attitude of dependence on help, during the divining rites, of the god Uwumbor, spirits of the Earth, clan protective spirits, gnome bush spirits, twin spirits, ancestor spirits, and especially spirits of dead diviners. Help from these supernatural beings is essential during the rites of divination, in order to properly explain the circumstances and causes of death of deceased persons. Divination by using three sticks as complementary only confirms the previously given causes of death. It should be noted that during these divining rites, small and large secondary funerals also have a didactic and moralistic dimension, because they teach people respect for tradition, preservation of social norms and moral order in the life of the individual and community.
Źródło:
Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii; 2012, 4; 227-240
2080-8534
Pojawia się w:
Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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