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Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2
Tytuł:
Polityka władz Jugosławii wobec Kościoła katolickiego w latach 1945–1971
Policy of the Yugoslavian authorities towards the Catholic Church in 1945–1971
Autorzy:
Wawryszuk, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478227.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Jugosławia
Kościół katolicki
polityka wyznaniowa w Jugosławii
Watykan (Stolica Apostolska) po II wojnie światowej
Yugoslavia
Catholic Church
Yugoslav Religious Policy
Vatican (the Holy See)
Opis:
The acquisition of power by the communists in Yugoslavia after World War II proceeded in a different way, than in case of other Central and East European countries (except Albania). First of all, Yugoslavia had been liberated mostly by partisans, naturally supported by the Allied Powers. Secondly, taking into account their impact on political reality in the country, they did not follow other communists (e.g. from Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria etc.) in implementing a “transitional period”, but straight away started massive terror against all potential or real political enemies. One of the “natural” enemy of the new government was the Catholic Church (CCh), Institution especially strong in Croatia and Slovenia. Thus, the CCh was oppressed by communists. The authorities used administrative repressions, some of most active priests were killed. The archbishop Alojzije Stepinac, the leader of the Church in Croatia, was sentenced and imprisoned. Gradually, after WW II, communist terror had been substituted by administrative and political repressions. Belgrade had started a kind of political game with Vatican, where the situation of the Church in Croatia was at stake. At this point the pattern was similar to other communist states: the “priests-patriots” associations were established in whole Yugoslavia. However, a lack of success led Josip Broz-Tito, Yugoslav leader, to break off the diplomatic relations with the Holy See in 1952. The diplomatic détente between the Holy See and Belgrade appeared in mid-‘60s, when tough negotiations between states had begun. The agreement, finally signed in 1966, resulted in improvement of the CCh’s position in Croatia and Slovenia. It is worth to be noted, that Vatican was interested in looking for deeper frames of cooperation with Yugoslavia. The main goal was to sign a concordat with a socialist state, what would have a huge impact on Catholicism the whole Eastern Bloc. Apart from that, as Belgrade continued its policy in Non-Aligned Movement, Vatican sought an opportunity to expand its influence in the Third World. Eventually, the concordat was signed in 1970 and in the following year Josip Broz-Tito, as the first communist leader, officially visited pope Paul VI in Vatican. At the end of 1971 a symbolic event for a Church’s history in Croatia took place – “The Croat Spring”. Massive protests in the republic were suppressed by the authorities. Oppositely to clergy in other countries like Poland, the Church in Croatia/Yugoslavia remained passive. This fact had significant consequences, as the Croatian elites almost up to ‘90s felt deep reserve to the Institution.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2017, 29; 236-251
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Audiencje polityków komunistycznej Polski u papieża w latach 1945–1978
Polish Communist Politicians’ Audiences with the Pope in 1945–1978
Autorzy:
Kucharski, Wojciech
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478031.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
dyplomacja komunistyczna
polityka zagraniczna PRL
Stolica Apostolska
Pius XII
Jan XXIII
Paweł VI
polityka wschodnia Watykanu
relacje państwo–Kościół
Communist diplomacy
foreign policy of the Polish People’s Republic
Holy See
John XXIII
Paul VI
eastern policy of the Vatican
state-Church relations
Opis:
After the Second World War, Communist Poland and the Holy See did not maintain official diplomatic relations for over a quarter of the century (1945–1974). Despite that complicated situation, there were several personal meetings between the Pope and the representatives of Communist Poland during the pontificated of Pius XII, John XXIII and Paul VI. These meetings seemingly confirm the definite rule of the Vatican’s diplomacy which does not refuse to talk with anyone and to conduct dialogue in any situation. The analysis of the circumstances and the courses of meetings between Communist politicians from Poland and the Pope allows us to draw the line that divides the period in question into two parts. Until 1965, the Pope held audiences with Catholic activists engaged in public Communist Poland, while after that date, there were also meetings with Communist politicians, including two foreign ministers and a First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party. Throughout nearly the entire period, the primary goal of the relations between Poland and the Vatican, including meetings with the Pope, was to win the Holy See’s favour, particularly in opposition to the Primate, and create the propaganda image of religious freedom and good relations between the state and the Church in Poland. It is difficult to assess how the Holy See benefited from those meetings. The dialogue started in 1965, and it took an institutional form in 1974, but that did not affect the model of religious policy in Poland, and the strong position of the Church did not result from the dialogue between the Communists and the Vatican, but the unrelenting and principled policy of the Episcopate lead by the Primate. I have based the present article primarily on materials prepared by the Communist diplomatic service and stored in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and documents prepared by the Party and administration of the Communist Poland, particularly the Office for Religious, and stored at the Polish Central Archives of Modern Records. Diaries and memoirs also proved to be important – particularly those by Jerzy Zawieyski and Janusz Zabłocki.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2017, 29; 50-71
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-2 z 2

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