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Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
Polityka władz Jugosławii wobec Kościoła katolickiego w latach 1945–1971
Policy of the Yugoslavian authorities towards the Catholic Church in 1945–1971
Autorzy:
Wawryszuk, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/478227.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Jugosławia
Kościół katolicki
polityka wyznaniowa w Jugosławii
Watykan (Stolica Apostolska) po II wojnie światowej
Yugoslavia
Catholic Church
Yugoslav Religious Policy
Vatican (the Holy See)
Opis:
The acquisition of power by the communists in Yugoslavia after World War II proceeded in a different way, than in case of other Central and East European countries (except Albania). First of all, Yugoslavia had been liberated mostly by partisans, naturally supported by the Allied Powers. Secondly, taking into account their impact on political reality in the country, they did not follow other communists (e.g. from Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria etc.) in implementing a “transitional period”, but straight away started massive terror against all potential or real political enemies. One of the “natural” enemy of the new government was the Catholic Church (CCh), Institution especially strong in Croatia and Slovenia. Thus, the CCh was oppressed by communists. The authorities used administrative repressions, some of most active priests were killed. The archbishop Alojzije Stepinac, the leader of the Church in Croatia, was sentenced and imprisoned. Gradually, after WW II, communist terror had been substituted by administrative and political repressions. Belgrade had started a kind of political game with Vatican, where the situation of the Church in Croatia was at stake. At this point the pattern was similar to other communist states: the “priests-patriots” associations were established in whole Yugoslavia. However, a lack of success led Josip Broz-Tito, Yugoslav leader, to break off the diplomatic relations with the Holy See in 1952. The diplomatic détente between the Holy See and Belgrade appeared in mid-‘60s, when tough negotiations between states had begun. The agreement, finally signed in 1966, resulted in improvement of the CCh’s position in Croatia and Slovenia. It is worth to be noted, that Vatican was interested in looking for deeper frames of cooperation with Yugoslavia. The main goal was to sign a concordat with a socialist state, what would have a huge impact on Catholicism the whole Eastern Bloc. Apart from that, as Belgrade continued its policy in Non-Aligned Movement, Vatican sought an opportunity to expand its influence in the Third World. Eventually, the concordat was signed in 1970 and in the following year Josip Broz-Tito, as the first communist leader, officially visited pope Paul VI in Vatican. At the end of 1971 a symbolic event for a Church’s history in Croatia took place – “The Croat Spring”. Massive protests in the republic were suppressed by the authorities. Oppositely to clergy in other countries like Poland, the Church in Croatia/Yugoslavia remained passive. This fact had significant consequences, as the Croatian elites almost up to ‘90s felt deep reserve to the Institution.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2017, 29; 236-251
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
W opozycji do Moskwy. Jugosławiańska "droga do socjalizmu" w latach 1948-1956
In Opposition to Moscow. Yugoslav "Path to Socialism" in the Years 1948-1956
Autorzy:
Sokulski, Mateusz
Previsić, Martin
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/971765.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
Jugosławia
rok 1956
blok wschodni
Związek Radziecki
polityka
międzynarodowa
represje polityczne
Goli otok
komunizm
Yugoslavia
The Year 1956
Eastern Block
Soviet Union
political repression
international policy
communism
Opis:
Due to political, economic and cultural changes carried out by new communist authorities Yugoslavia became the most communisesed state after the Second World War. Independence of the Yugoslav leader Josip Broz-Tito, who found state interests more important than Soviet one and put a tremendous effort to affirmate Yugoslav position in the international policy, led him to the conflict with entire Eastern Block which remained under Stalin's impact. Soviet leader by using mechanisms from the 30's tended to present Tito as an „internal enemy”. So called Tito-Stalin's split in 1948 forced Yugoslavian leaders to find their own solutions (so called re-reading of Marx) in order to prove their legitimization of power. In the years 1948-1956 by so called self-managament, liberalization and democratization they tried to stay „true communists” that opposes Soviet distortion. In the internal policy they used political repression as the weapon against true or putative pro-soviets in Yugoslavia. 15737 were imprisoned and amongst them 13000 in the most famous camp on the island Goli Otok Repressive methods used against convicted people were focused on re-socialization of imprisoned in order to get rid of alleged or real endangerment. In the foreign policy after split with Soviet block Yugoslavs tended to keep their independent position. Unless at the beginning they found West (first of all USA) as their allies, which made them able to withstand Soviet pressure, Tito was reluctant towards any alliance with Western World as he did not want to abandon communist ideology. After Stalin's death in 1953 both Yugoslavia and USSR were seeking reconciliation after few years of conflict. That was finally fulfilled in 1955 and 1956 through Belgrade and Moscow Declarations. In such situation Tito abandoned any will to go on with political reforms and wanted to maintain predominance of communist party. Therefore he decided to convict and imprison pro-reformist high-ranked politician Milovan Djilas in 1956. Significance of the 1956 year as the crucial for Yugoslav foreign and internal policy may be perceived also in abandoning mass political repression towards pro-stalinists in Yugoslavia. The antagonistic interests of Moscow seeking Yugoslavia to get back to the communist camp and Belgrade being focused on its independent position, persuaded Tito to find its allies amongst the third world states as the counter balance towards Eastern Block and West. The meeting between Tito and leaders of Egypt and India is used to be treated as the first step in the Yugoslav policy in order to create non-align movement as the counter balance towards two main political blocks.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2016, 28; 395-417
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
O używaniu i nadużywaniu historii. Polityka historyczna i kultury pamięci w Europie Środkowo- i Południowo-Wschodniej (1791–1989)
Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989)
Autorzy:
Patrice M., Dabrowski
Troebst, Stefan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/477206.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Instytut Pamięci Narodowej, Komisja Ścigania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu
Tematy:
polityka historyczna
kultury pamięci
upamiętnienia
Europa Środkowa
Europa Środkowo-Wschodnia
Europa Południo-Wschodnia
Bałkany
imperium osmańskie
Polska–Litwa
Rosja
Habsburgowie
Węgry
Bułgaria
Chorwacja
Serbia
Czechy
Czechosłowacja
Jugosławia
Albania
Rumunia
panslawism
rytuały
reprezentacje
mity
politics of history
cultures of remembrance
commemorations
Central
Europe
East-Central Europe
Southeastern Europe
Balkans
Ottoman Empire
Poland-Lithuania
Russia
Habsburg
Hungary
Bulgaria
Croatia
Bohemia
Czechoslovakia
Yugoslavia
Romania
panslavism
rituals
representations
myths
Opis:
Uses and Abuses of the Past. The Politics of History and Cultures of Remembrance in East-Central and Southeastern Europe (1791 to 1989) The ‘long’ 19th century and the wars of the ‘short’ 20th century decisively shaped the cultures of remembrance of the national societies and nation-states of East-Central and Southeastern Europe. The national liberation movements, the wars of 1912/14–1918, the founding of new states in 1918–19, the turn to authoritarian rule in the late 1920s and the war years of 1939/41–1944/45 continue to shape – together with the legacy of communism and medieval myths – the collective memory of contemporary Poles, Hungarians, Slovaks, Czechs, Romanians, Bulgarians, Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, Croats and others. If Oskar Halecki and Jenő Szűcs have identified a historical meso-region of a ‘wider’ East-Central Europe characterized by common structural features, one can also identify a post-imperial and post-communist ‘community of memory’ between Plžen and Poltava, Tallinn and Thessaloniki. This shaping of the past in people’ s minds has taken place in a threefold manner. First, the individual memory of quite a number of people who had experienced World War II, the interwar period and even the ‘three’ Balkans Wars is still alive. These memories differ substantially depending on ethnicity, political affiliation back then, and on present-day political needs. Those hunted during the Second World War record rather different memories than those who participated in ethnic cleansing, for example. There have been floods of memoirs written about the recent past throughout the region. Second, in these until rather recently non-literate but ‘oral’ societies family memory continues to play an important role – a role that was strengthened considerably under the decades of communism when memories not compatible with the official master narrative were suppressed. And third – and perhaps most importantly – the post-1989/91 governments’ uses and abuses of the past are primarily an iteration of the ‘politics of history’ propagated by governments of the interwar period and earlier.
Źródło:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość; 2015, 1(25); 15-61
1427-7476
Pojawia się w:
Pamięć i Sprawiedliwość
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

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