Temat: ukraine - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Україна крізь призму протиріч суспільства з державою (на прикладі протестів кінця 2013 – першої половини 2014 рр.)
Ukraina poprzez pryzmat antagonizmów pomiędzy społeczeństwem i państwem (na przykładzie protestów końca 2013 – pierwszej połowy 2014 roku)
Autorzy:: Нагорняк, Тетяна
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489333.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine,
Ukrainian society,
protests late 2013 - early 2014 in Ukraine
Opis:: The maturity of a state always correlates with the strength of the national (not ethnic) community’s identity. The quality of such correlation becomes crucial and often improves during the trials. Peace has never existed without war, but worldwide development is constant in its changing cycles of colonization (confirmation of Empires/confederations, movement towards bipolarity, strengthening of military-technogenic human potential, globalization of economics and identity) and decolonization (territorial reconstruction of the world, development accent’s shift towards the social equity, branding “comfort places”, peripherality of capitalism). Each sociopolitical developments (war and a coup d’état, terrorism and AIDS, natural disasters and changes in social display) as attractors of such cycles actualize the question about the maturity of relations between a state and society. The form of such relationships could be designed by religion, political regime, social contract and establish systematic game rules. It converts political support for public institutions by masses into increasing of various incomes among the population (economic stability, legal, financial and social population security, distribution of capabilities and software and growth prospects system on the whole, it’s symbolic and social equity).The chosen format of relationships between a state and society is the core of the system modernization, key actor’s responsibility (government, community, business and media-environment) and the correspondence of their activity with a single strategic model (which system aims at) is a major factor in its successful renewal.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 134-145
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 2.

Tytuł:: Dziennikarstwo obywatelskie na Ukrainie wobec rosyjskiej wojny informacyjnej
Громадянська журналістика в Україні по відношенню до російської інформаційної війни
Autorzy:: Płaneta, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489526.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine,
Russia,
Civic Journalism,
Information Warfare
Opis:: Different meanings of the term ‘politics’ define its different dimensions - dimensions in which politics is being carried out. The overwhelming feature of contemporary politics is its mediatisation, which can be understood as ‒ according to Franciszek Ryszka, who said that “words create politics” - the hegemony of the symbolic sphere. Therefore, the study of politics should take into account not only the sphere of decision-making, but also the discourse which restricts and directs political activities. The case of Ukraine demonstrates that civic media (i.e. Media which are decentralized, non-hierarchical, based on networking and social media) are now the plane on which certain political ideas are manifested most fully, including declarations of intent to pursue a particular doctrine of the state. At the same time - due to its axiological marking – civic media are becoming an important forum for various discourses in the service of community. The analysis of politics, perceived as power over the meaning, is the primary dimension of the analysis, since other planes of politics and corresponding analytical areas are, in the modern world, increasingly subordinated to the discursive sphere which creates a meaningful (discursive, symbolic, axiological etc.) framework for political action. The article discusses the impact of civic journalism on political change - from the “Orange Revolution” to “Revolution of Dignity”. This section of the article presents, among other issues, the most important means of civic journalist narration. The following part outlines the role of civic media at the time of Russian aggression in Ukraine, where asymmetric hybrid warfare is taking place, that is a combination of conventional, irregular and information warfare. The article also discusses the key features and activities of Ukrainian grassroots journalism during the war, and then presents the main axiological pillars of Russian war propaganda and its criticism by journalists and civic media.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 24-44
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 3.

Tytuł:: Кейси Криму та «Новоросії» у контексті нових викликів європейській безпеці
Crimea and “Novorossiya” Cases in the Context of New Challenges for European Security
Autorzy:: Брусиловська, Ольга
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489323.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Europe
Ukraine
Russia
Crimea
“Novorossiya”
international law
Opis:: The aim of this paper is to reveal the evolution of basic principles of international law and main approaches of great powers to regulation of regional conflicts on the basis of analysis of Crimea and “Novorossiya” cases. The works of Nicu Popescu and Andrew Wilson about the special aspects of the Russian power were used as the theoretical foundation of this paper. After the Second World War international law was based on the principle of inviolable borders. And now this principle is being revised. This causes the raise of separatism in all multinational states. And this serves well for the Russian foreign politics. At that time it became a priority for the politicians in the Kremlin to regain geopolitical control of the areas adjacent to the Russian Federation and rebuild the spheres of influence which existed back in the Soviet times. Russian soft power is built on bedrock of historical and cultural affinity - the presence of Russian minorities in neighbourhood countries, the Russian language, post- Soviet nostalgia and the strength of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Russian and the Western soft power differ fundamentally. Russian soft power, civil society, expert networks or analytic schools by definition are not equivalent or similar institutions as those in the West. They serve different functions, namely propaganda. The vectors Russia’s soft power, including the Russian-speaking minority organisations, have organised the referendum in Crimea, and have been destabilising the eastern regions of Ukraine. The proponents of “Eurasianism” claim that there exists a separate civilization and historical community in the territory corresponding to the area of the former Russian Empire. They ascribe a cultural meaning to the Russian-speaking community (so-called Russian world). The concept of “nation” is expanded to include areas where the Russian language and culture are dominant. This ideology has become an instrument for managing the conflicts in the post-Soviet area (Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Crimea, and Novorossiya). On March 6, 2014, the Parliament of Crimea adopted a Resolution No.1702-6/14 that provided for a referendum on secession to be held on March 16, 2014. The referendum was characterized by a complete lack of transparency. Claims on legality of the annexation of Crimea have nothing to do with international law. However, it was reported in Russia that the decision to join Russia was supported by more than 97% of voters. In other words, in Crimea a unilateral secession took place. Even after annexation of Crimea the problem of Russianspeaking is still dangerous for the stability of Ukraine, because they are actively supported by Russian Federation. The notion of “Novorossiya” denotes the confederation of the self-proclaimed republics of Donetsk and Luhansk. Putin first called this part of Ukraine “Novorossiya on 17 March, 2014 after the annexation of Crimea. Russia is not interested to de jure separate Donbas from Ukraine, but interested to make the region economically more viable. In future Russia might return to the plans of carving out a more sizeable Novorossiya. Minsk agreements (February 12, 2015) foresee, among other things, the removal of military hardware from the separatist regions and the monitoring of the Russia-Ukraine border. Some commentators and even some Ukrainians suggested a radical solution: abandoning Donbas altogether. This would free Kyiv so it could focus on reforms and spare it a real economic and political burden. But independence for Donbas is probably unrealistic: many forces in Ukraine would be against it, and so would the West. And it is an option that Moscow neither expects nor wants. Russia wants leverage over Ukraine, not burdensome new obligations. Russian policy that Europe have followed up to now, based on the assumption of cooperation and the respect of commonly agreed rules, is done for the time being. Russia is no longer a partner for stability in the European neighbourhood. For example, the Budapest Memorandum collapsed after Russia annexed the Crimea. Despite that both European and American leaders called on Russia to stop – at 11 first by terminating support to the “men in green”, later by ceasing conflict escalation and supply of weapons, and not carrying out unilateral humanitarian operations – withdrawal from all these “red lines” was made, because the West avoided getting into a direct confrontation with Russia. The situation after the 2008 conflict in Georgia allows Russia to assume that after the end of the conflict in Ukraine, relations with the West will eventually revert to the “business as usual” situation. Russia hopes to repeat this scenario again. It is important to emphasize that the “business as usual” concept includes not only normalization of economic relations, lifting of sanctions, and renewal of the political dialogue, but also recognition of Russia as a veto holder in the security architecture of Europe. The practical manifestation of such recognition could be that the expansion of the transatlantic institutions further to the post–Soviet space would not be possible without Russia’s approval. The Ukraine crisis has altered Europe’s security structure. Europe is now far less secure, and its security architecture altogether is less stable, less predictable. At the same time, Europe has a better chance to exist peacefully if it succeeds in binding Russia into a cooperative order.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 10-19
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Ukraina jako przykład państwa „szarej strefy”
Ukraine as an Example of a „Gray Zone” State
Autorzy:: Wawrzonek, Michał
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489535.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine
post-Soviet state
Ukrainian-Russian conflict
Opis:: The main goal of the article is to conceptualize a model of a state which would be adequate to the current situation in Ukraine. It seems that Russian aggression and the so called “anti-terrorist operation” allow us to observe a number of regularities which shed some light on what the Postsoviet Ukrainian state indeed is. It appears that a model of the state shaped in Ukraine is significantly inadequate to the patterns developed under the conditions of the West-European political culture. This issue was researched on the basis of two cases. The first was a case of the “forgotten” ammunition stored in Oktiabrsk harbor in Mykolaiv. It could be considered as an example of the inefficiency of the Ukrainian state. The second case concerns the provisioning of the volunteer battalion “Azov”. This one could be regarded as an example of the phenomenon of commercialization of state monopoly on the legitimate use of force. The analysis of these cases may lead to the conclusion that under post-Soviet circumstances an alternative model of the state arises. From the point of view of an “classical” (i.e. Weberian) approach, it could be named as “a state à rebours”.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 209-216
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 5.

Tytuł:: Проблема гармонiзацiї регiональних розбіжностей в Україні
Problem harmonizacji odmienności regionalnych na Ukrainie
Autorzy:: Троценко, Валерій
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489235.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine,
region,
regional differences,
consolidation of the society
Opis:: The analysis of the regional development of Ukraine processes testifies the existence of the certain negative tendencies including deepening of interregional contradictions, growing of the imbalances and aggravation of economic and social problems of regions. Among a number of reasons for this situation the main is the absence of the integrated efficient system of the state regional policy implementation. A common statement in discourse of the regional development in Ukraine is the opposition of East and West, that is explained, first of all, by the differences of the axiological and geopolitical preferences of their population, and, not in the last turn, by the policy of the regional elite. The strengthening of the regional polarization of public attitudes in Ukraine, as a rule, is the consequence of the redistribution of powers in terms of power or the regional elite. Among the factors of differentiation of regions of Ukraine the most essential are foreign, language and cultural orientations of citizens. The urgent task of the Ukrainian state lies in the formation of the state’s policy, directed on the creation of the unifying national system of values, which would respond the desires of every Ukrainian no matter irrespective of the place of his residence, political views or the language of the communication. To achieve this one should reject the use of the social political technologies, which are based on the “search of the enemy”, and proceed to political and legal education, modern integrative political technologies of the unifying character, and common goals of the further democratic development of the Ukrainian society. In the process of the political dialogue between the representatives of the different political parties one should avoid the problems which divide the society by religion, language or other cultural and historical signs.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 169-174
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Формування культури громадянськості українства в умовах розвитку «молодої демократії»
Autorzy:: Бульбенюк, Світлана
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489263.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: civil society,
the culture of citizenship, democratization,
modernization,
Ukraine
Opis:: Kształtowanie się kultury obywatelskości społeczeństwa ukraińśkiego w warunkach rozwoju „młodej demokracji”
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 201-207
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 7.

Tytuł:: Ćwiczenie wyobraźni. Refleksje, czy na Ukrainie mógłby powstać polski ruch rewolucyjny?
Вправи фантазії. Роздуми на теми, чи в Україні міг би виникнути польський революційний рух?
Autorzy:: Zacharuk, Kamila
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489377.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Polish minority in Ukraine,
the national revolution,
social base
Opis:: The following text is an attempt at an analysis of the condition of the Polish minority in Ukraine. The subject of discussion is the tension appearing in relations between minority groups, the country where they live in and their foreign homeland. Loyalty to each of these two countries requires giving up part of their identity. From the perspective of the history of the twentieth century, the author reflects on the (im) possibility of consolidating the Polish movement in the context of the revolutionary events in Ukraine which took place in 2014. The author attempts to apply the principle of triangulation of sources, using the knowledge acquired during qualitative research in Ukraine conducted among the Polish community in February, July and August 2014 and also on the basis of other quantitative studies of a comparative nature conducted among minorities living in Ukraine, including the Polish one and its equivalent in Poland.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 281-290
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 8.

Tytuł:: Електоральна легітимація влади в умовах демократичної трансформації
Wyborcza legitymizacja władzy w warunkach transformacji demokratycznej
Autorzy:: Бортніков, Валерій
Чубаєвський, Віталій
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489365.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine,
legitimacy,
election,
electorate,
electoral legitimacy,
the electoral process
Opis:: The issue of the solving of the problem of the raising level of the legitimating of power in the electoral process, which is really low in the eyes of citizens of Ukraine, is raised in the article. The institutional structure, procedures and the electoral process’ mechanisms give the contenders wide opportunities not only for the selfpromotion, but over persuasion of community in the personal ability to ensure effective public management. The process of the legitimating of the political power is being in progress at every stage of the election long before the official nomination of the candidates for the acquisition of the authority. The authors of the article suggest the following stages of the election: 1) Constituting; 2) Institutionalization; 3) Realization; 4) Control. The essential subjects of the power institutions’ formation in the democratic states are political parties. They commit a significant and sometimes decisive influence on the will of the voters. Besides, the parties are being one of the main subjects of the political legitimating during election. Another indicator of the democratic state is the freedom of the political opposition activity. Numerous attempts to regulate the statute of the political opposition in Ukraine were subordinated to the tasks of its constituting. The four stages of the political opposition constituting are singled out on this basis: 1990-2006; 2006-2007; 2007-2010; since October 2010. The organic component of the legitimating of power in the election is their recognition through the number of the specialized organizations, agencies and institutions of the Council of Europe, European Union, and OSCE, and CIS, etc. The indicators of the international (foreign) legitimating power in Ukraine are singled out in the article.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 55-64
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 9.

Tytuł:: Державна політика України: між цивілізаційними і національними викликами
Polityka państwowa Ukrainy: pomiędzy cywilizacyjnymi i narodowymi wezwaniami
Autorzy:: Газізов, Михайло
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489456.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: state policy
Ukraine
modernization
political class
national safety
e-governance
Opis:: The key aspects of the state policy of Ukraine are considered in the context of the development of the civilizational challenges of the present day and the requirements of ensuring national safety. Separate attention applies on determination of role of national political class in realization of public policy in area of modernisation transformations. After all, the readiness of the national political class to implement the reform program of the systemic transformation of the state and society is one of the determining factors of the success of the state policy. The author argues that the emergence of a consolidated political class, which clearly recognizes national priorities and is able to defend and defend national interests, is an urgent need for the present and future for Ukraine. In the context of the coverage of the studied issues, the peculiarities of the institutional design of the Ukrainian state and its influence on state policy were determined. It is stressed that despite the tangible democratic progress of recent decades, the threat of an increase in autocratic and authoritarian tendencies in state policy, on the one hand, and the weakening of those already shaky germs of forms of direct democracy (for example, participation democracy, self-governing forms of organization citizens), without the development of which it makes no sense to speak about the modernization potential of the state policy of modern Ukraine. For example, the real political state of the basic state and social institutions, the domination of informal rules of the game on the political field, allows us to characterize the state of the political system of Ukraine today and its separate political institutions as hybrid. One of the examples of successful implementation of the state policy of modernization of the Ukrainian state can be considered a gradual transition to the e-governance system. E-Governance refers to innovative state policy and government technologies that are designed to ensure the effective implementation of the three functions of public policy - information, communication and participation. Therefore, the active introduction of e-governance is not just time requirements; it is the approximation of state policy to modern standards of democratic, modernized state-political control. However, it should be noted that the proliferation of e-governance entails tangible threats to the national state and national security. Let’s say the threat of violation of sovereignty. In a geopolitical situation in which Ukraine emerged after 2014, such a threat is not only virtual, but quite tangible, which puts forward special requirements to the system of state policy both at the personalized and institutionalized levels of functioning. Under such conditions, one of the main tasks of state policy is to create a reliable system of cybernetic protection of state sovereignty and national security of the country, which would maximally protect the Ukrainian state and Ukrainian citizens on the institutional and personal levels, respectively. On the other hand, an e-governance system that would be able to organically integrate into the system of global e-communication should be developed, pushing the Ukrainian state into a group of countries - pioneers of the total internetisation of the state and society. Further research on this issue should be concentrated, among other things, as the author believes, in the development of models for reviewing the principles of state policy in Ukraine in the context of the deployment of the integration of the national state into a globalized world political process.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 103-107
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 10.

Tytuł:: Civic and institutional dimensions of democratization in Ukraine: the role of civic unity
Громадянські й інституційні аспекти демократизації в Україні: роль громадянської єдності
Autorzy:: Pietrzyk-Reeves, Dorota
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489281.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: democratization,
Ukraine,
civic unity,
the rule of law,
civil society
Opis:: looking at two rarely associated concepts, civic unity and the rule of law. It attempts to bring a novel approach to the study of democratization in a divided society such as Ukraine, building on a selection of the existing literature on the subject and focusing on the civic dimension of the process. It follows the approach of those political scientists who have challenged the “no precondition’ line in democratization research by looking precisely at context specific conditions that may sustain democracy. It is argued that the common sense of citizenship and belonging to a political community, supported by legal and institutional mechanisms and conscious effort of political elites, would contribute to the development of civil society and perhaps even democratic consolidation in the long run. Thus the civic and institutional dimensions of democratization should not be separated, especially in case of some post-communist societies such as Ukraine. The relationship between these two dimensions, however, is problematic at least from a methodological point of view and requires careful examination.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 102-110
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Działalność Stowarzyszenia Rodzina Rodzin Lwowa
Діяльність товариства «Родина Родин» зі Львова
Autorzy:: Gierko, Vadim
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489319.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Family of Families,
Polish diaspora organisations,
Polish minority in Ukraine
Opis:: The Author shows the history as well as social and cultural background of The Lviv Family of Families Association, its principles, main form of activity and its effects. The Family of Families, established in the 1990’s by members of Polish families in Lviv is an organisation which brings generations together. It aims to respond to the needs of the Polish minority as well as educate and integrate youth of Polish origin.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 279-284
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 12.

Tytuł:: Концепція «балансу сил» в Центрально-Європейському регіоні крізь призму російської агресії проти України: теоретико-методологічні аспекти
Koncerpcja „bilansu sił” w regionie centralno-europejskim poprzez pryzmat agresji rosyjskiej przeciwko Ukrainie: aspekty teoretyczno-metodologiczne
Autorzy:: Максимець, Віра
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489297.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: balance of power
Ukraine
Central Europe
annexation of Crimea
Russian aggression
Opis:: It substantiates theoretical and methodological basis of the comprehensive political science analysis of the transformation of new systems «balance of power» in Central Europe. The different theoretical and conceptual approaches to the understanding of the international relations system in the late XX – early XXI century and described a new balance of power model. The essential characteristics of the European security paradigm in the dimensions of establishing a «balance of power» new system in Central Europe are revealed. It is stated that against the background of changes in the international system, there is a need to revise theoretical and conceptual approaches to the study of the concept of «balance of power», the theoretical foundations of which were laid in different from today’s world-political conditions. Analysis of the concept of «balance of power» shows that over time, its interpretation significantly changed and supplemented by new arguments, which led to the conceptual ambiguity and even blurriness. It is also noticeable differences in approaches to the «balance of power» in the foreign policy practice of different states. The very concept of force in international relations, as well as the ways of its application, evolved. It turns out that it is safe to speak of the historicity of the principle of balance of power, the structure and content of which have changed throughout world history. The classical interpretation of political realism (the approach of G. Morgenthau) was based on the bipolar world order, the presence of two superpowers (the USSR and the USA) and two military-political blocs (NATO and ATS) in the international system. The destruction of the bipolar system forced the researchers to seek new interpretations of the balance of power. So there were modifications to the principle of balance of power for a unipolar and multipolar world. Proponents of neo-realism began to present the concept of «balance of power» through the prism of their individual concepts of a new world order, thus distorting the original meaning of the principle (K. Waltz, M. Kaplan, E. Haas). The annexation of Crimea in the context of the destruction mechanism of «balance of power» in Central Europe is analyzed. The annexation of Crimea sets a very dangerous precedent for the future security environment in Europe, and in post-Soviet space especially. The Ukrainian conflict has also exposed weaknesses in international law, agreements and treaties, as these often allow for contradictory interpretations. The factors and potential negative consequences of forces imbalance are identified not only in Central Europe, but also in the global arena in general. The Russian aggression against Ukraine undermined the system of international relations that had been built for decades, violated the principles of regional and global security. The annexation of the Crimea, the situation in the east of Ukraine brought fundamental changes not only in the Central European region, but also de facto in the European and transatlantic defense complex. These strategic changes not only changed the situation that existed since the end of the Cold War, but led to a paradigm shift in security policy.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 9-14
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 13.

Tytuł:: Can nomocracy be decreted? Considerations in the context of the contemporary situation of Ukraine
Чи можна ввести номократію декретом? Міркування в контексті сучасної ситуації в Україні
Autorzy:: Kimla, Piotr
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489301.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: nomocracy,
Ukraine,
Polish-Ukrainian connections,
solutions to Ukrainian crisis,
Ukrainian politicians
Opis:: Aristotle and Francesco Guicciardini - that Ukrainian society failed, so far, in the art of producing a nomocratic (rule-based) system of government. The author puts forward a thesis that this fact was decisive in the past and is decisive now about the weakness of the Ukrainian state. It opened the way for Russia’s interference in the country’s affairs and also allowed the excesses of voluntarism on the part of the wealthy and well-connected in the system of power. Then the author points out that - with few exceptions - the lands included in the territory of Ukraine are not subject to the process of formation of nomocratic forms of government typical for Western countries. Certainly nomocratic patterns were not provided to Ruthenia / Ukraine during its relations with the Polish Crown. Therefore, in their laborious construction of the state of law, Ukrainians do not have a tradition to which they could refer. This makes the complicated situation even more difficult, though, as it seems, the aim of another Maidan was to create a law-abiding state. In the following discussion, I am of the view that reforming Ukraine may occur thanks to a statesman who will be able to gain public support during several terms of office. It does not have to be associated with the transition to authoritarian forms of government that would impede cooperation with the West and increased the credibility of the Russian narrative, which devotes a lot of time to Ukrainian fascism. Leading politicians of the Ukrainian scene would be difficult to place in the role of Men of Providence who could, in the spirit of the rule of law, pursue a policy of equal distance from Russia and the European Union, which seems to be the best use of Ukraine’s geopolitical position.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 111-115
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Poland’s Positions and Interests Concerning the Eastern Partnership
Польська позиція щодо східного партнерства
Autorzy:: Tyshchenko, Dmytro
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489426.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Eastern Europe,
European Neighbourhood Policy,
Eastern Partnership,
Polish foreign policy,
Ukraine
Opis:: Poland’s Eastern policy is the result of the lack of a coherent concept, a return to the tradition of martyrdom and heroism, an ideologization in the form of missionarism and Prometheanism, and a confrontational attitudes towards Russia. The lack of a critical reflection over the chances for the normalization of relations with the largest country in the East is largely a result of ignoring our own national interest. The Polish political elites uncritically acquiesce to U.S. visions related to the encirclement and fragmentation of Russia. In this way, Poland becomes, at its own request, a hostage to foreign geostrategic concepts. Obstacles on the way to the normalization of Polish-Russian relations are subjective and objective. They find expression in each other’s attitudes, emotions and psychology, as well as the asymmetry of power and interests advanced by each party. Opportunities for the normalization of Polish-Russian relations should be sought in taking advantage of the mechanisms and experiences of Europeanization, i.e. Poland’s participation in the team play within the European Union. The condition for success is cooperative thinking, based on an accommodative strategy, and not a confrontational one, allowing for a re-evaluation of the negative ideological past to reach positive and pragmatic cooperation.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 71-77
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 15.

Tytuł:: Маніпулятивно-пропагандистські складові загроз інформаційній безпеці в реаліях гібридної війни Російської Федерації проти України
Manipulative and Propaganda Components of Information Security Threats in the Realities of Hybrid Warfare of Russian Federation against Ukraine
Autorzy:: Гулай, Василь
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489245.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2016
Wydawca:: Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:: Ukraine
Russian Federation
hybrid warfare
information security
destructive
information and psychological impact
Opis:: The topic of research may be considered relevant in the theoretical-methodological, political and applied aspects to summarize the preparation and course of deployed Russian Federation «hybrid war» against Ukraine with the elaboration of the proposals to minimize the destructive impact of manipulative propaganda. The main varieties of information security are information security of person, information security of society and information security of state. Information security is directly related to the sovereign right of state which arises from the principles of information sovereignty as an important component of state sovereignty. Destructive information and psychological impact often seen in the context of threats to information security. The deployment of information and psychological war is directed to cause significant information security damage not only to state or society, but the individual in the realities of the late twentieth - first quarter of the XXI century. When the concept of information-psychological war is disclosured we must proceed from the fact that it includes elements of information war as form of information confrontation between different actors (states, NGOs, economic or other structures), which provides a set of measures on damage of information sphere of opposing side and protecting their own information security and the war psychological as a combination of different forms, methods and means of influencing the person to change in the desired direction psychological characteristics (beliefs, thoughts, values, feelings, attitudes, motivations, behaviors stereotypes) and group norms, mass sentiment, social consciousness in general and when psychological impact acts in such basic kinds as information-psychological, psychogenic, psychoanalytic, NLP, psychotronic, psychotropic. In this context, in our opinion, we should talk about the information-psychological war as a form of information and communication confrontation for the redistribution of roles, locations and functions of information and communication space to achieve advantages in the political, social, economic, cultural, and religious and other areas. Manipulative technologies of information and communication influence - is a set of methods, processes and means of information and communication impact integrated with the purpose of concealed excitement in the other person’s intentions that do not coincide with its real desires. Propaganda technologies of information and communication influence - is a set of methods, processes and means of information and communication effects, integrated with a view to adoption in the mass consciousness of systematic judgments that reflect the outlook person and society as a whole. Annexation by the Russian Federation sovereign territory of Ukraine - the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol and armed invasion to preserve and expand the areas of terrorist organizations «Donetsk People’s Republic» and «Luhansk People’s Republic» convincingly demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the functioning of Ukraine’s previous model in general and system to counter threats to information security of the state, society and person, in particular. At the same time, the flow of the hybrid war can not depend on the political situation in Ukraine. For two years, which came on time from the victory of the Revolution of Dignity, annexation by the Russian Federation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and Sevastopol City with the full inaction of the then (largely, because of the personalities, even now) Ukraine’s leadership and opposition of information and psychological and armed intervention of Russia to preserve and expand the influence of terrorist organizations «Donetsk People’s Republic» and «Luhansk People’s Republic» radical renewal require institutional and procedural foundations of the political system, ensuring the stability of its functioning in the Russian Federation deployed a hybrid war in general and combating destructive inner-manipulative propaganda influences in particular.
Źródło:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 34-42
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:: Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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