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    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
    Tytuł:
    Концепт «публічна політика» у міждисциплінарному науковому дискурсі
    Concept "public policy" in a cross-disciplinary scientific discourse
    Autorzy:
    Чальцева, Олена
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489271.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    public policy,
    category,
    public actors,
    civil society,
    political networks institutionalization,
    political process,
    state, civil society
    Opis:
    The public policy is a modern concept of political science which has appeared in the middle of the XX century and there is in a condition of continuous updating that specifications. In search of the universal definition of public policy authors are guided generally by philosophical and axiological, spatial and functional options of a scientific explanation of this phenomenon. Philosophical and axiological definition of public policy since Renaissance defined key problems which became the subject of the analysis for modern researchers of this direction. Philosophical reflections on a concept of the fact what is "public", "private", "sphere" and so on. have laid the foundation of a meta-analysis of studying of public policy and have defined conceptual borders for further theoretical searches. Functional interpretation of category "public policy" is rather wide and versatile it is provided in works of researchers of many methodological approaches and theories which connect it with the decision-making process and political and managerial processes. Managerial measurement of public policy allows determining intuitional and technological capabilities of actors of the political process in making public decisions. Close connection of a policy and the state conformable with the ideas of representatives of institutional and neoinstitutional approaches that considered a public policy both as dependent and as independent variable at the same time at the center of scientific research permanently there was an analysis of communication of institutes and society. The criticism of neoinstitutionalism led to a defensive line of authors of this direction and, as a result, before the appearance of new theories in 90's of the XX century, which explain a concept of a public policy taking into account the current trends. First of all, it concerned a study of new institutes and a new role of traditional political institutes in formation of a public policy. The system theory has brought adjustments in essence of the characteristic of public policy. According to the logic of system approach, the modern public policy is complete, dynamic system which is independently updates, organizes and develops. It consists of the interconnected and interacting elements which unite in steady unity with the external environment by means of many factors and conditions of interaction with external. Inclusion by scientists of different schools in the analysis of public policy of such actors as groups of interests, civil society, expert-analytical communities, political parties, has allowed to detail the considered concept. Display in a concept of public policy of not hierarchical communications and structures has become possible because of coalition approach and the theory of political networks. The public policy by means of the theory of networks is considered as concrete types of mediation of interests of different actors (state і non-state) and as the specific form of government. Use of reality of public policy by means of a spatial concept gives the chance to analyse different types of interactions of the individual and collective actors both institutionalized, and not institutionalized in the course of implementation of the power and influence on it in specific political environment which is a complicated developing system with it's ow laws and borders. The public space at all levels (global, regional, national) is constantly changeable structure which is formalized and filled with meanings under the influence of actors. As a result of the retrospective analysis of approaches which operationalize public policy was provided the author's vision of this phenomenon. Public policy is understood as the reasonable interaction of the public actors (institutionalized and not institutionalized, formal and informal) which by means of own resources, functional mechanisms, cultural and valuable and precepts of law, have an opportunity to reveal, implement, analyze and control valid socio-political problems. Since 90's of the XX century, scientists adapt conceptual sense of public policy of the national contexts on the basis of that experience of the state and cultural and valuable changes. The main problem, in this case, is that the above-stated categories not always answer the contents, especially in the conditions of transitional systems. For formation of idea of essence of public policy in the transformed countries it is necessary to use such explanations of these categories which would consider absence of full-fledged civil society and communication between all actors of political process. Specification of categories according to political reality can be the way out. So, the concept public policy is permanently transformed because of changeable political reality that puts representatives of different schools of sciences before a problem of fixed search of new explanations of its content. For the objective reasons, the methodology of political science appeared incapable of giving the answer to a question independently: what is public policy? This opportunity appears only on condition of participation of such sciences as economy, sociology, managing sciences, state administration, systemology, etc.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 182-193
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Democracy building in Ukraine: key contradictions
    Побудова демократії в Україні: основні протиріччя
    Autorzy:
    Rozumny, Maxim
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489386.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    building democracy,
    civil society,
    political nation,
    oligarchy, republic
    Opis:
    Initially, the project for building democracy in Ukraine was characterized by a certain contradictory nature and suggested that liberalization of forms of public life should have been superimposed on the relatively intensive processes to form a political nation. During the entire period of social reforms in Ukraine the public awareness has been focusing on several marks of national development. The concepts of “building a state”, “building a civil society” and “formation of a political nation” were most widespread. Their value and strategic priorities often competes with each other in reality. The focus on “building a state” unambiguously makes the national idea of state sovereignty higher than the social idea of democratic self-government. Although a national idea is usually based on conservative values, as it has not been based on substantial tradition since Ukraine’s independence (institutions and public practices), it has quite quickly lost its motivation. The project for “building a civil society” cannot be directly connected with a certain historical period of Ukrainian independence to date, as it was present in the public sphere with a utopian background, which was not fed by connection with reality so much as extreme remoteness from the same. This status of a distant, yet inapproachable ideal spawned both the advantages and disadvantages of the concept of a “civil society”. The project to “form a political nation” emerged in the Ukrainian intellectual space later on, when the projects to “build a state” and “build a civil society” had started to become ceremonial attributes of public communications rather than products reflecting the current trajectory of the country. Today therefore, the concepts of a “civil society” and a “political nation” are equally present in the public awareness of Ukraine as landmarks of national development, public and political transformations and are often used as mutually complementary components of a single strategy. The path of democratic transit in Ukraine emerged as more complicated. Here, the authoritarian political regime had not managed to consolidate itself, when faced with the activism of the civil society. On the one hand, it was part of a society oriented toward the national modern that stood against the restoration of post-Soviet authoritarianism and, on the other, a considerable layer of intellectuals and businesspersons oriented toward the postmodern version of liberalism and globalism. The theory of democratic transit, which was mainly formed within the limits of the institutional approach, paved the way for democratic management institutions to adopt a decisive role in transforming non-liberal communities. It proposed a simple solution. As liberal transformations in the West resulted in formalization of the respective standards, values and practices in the form of democratic institutions, an adverse effect could be expected and the emergence of a liberal society based on democratic institutions. The end result was unexpected in some respects, resulting in a so-called façade democracy, with a significant portion of actually functioning social standards and principles degraded to demonstratively feudalistic forms. At the same time, however, the institutional frame (or façade) of the political system remained “improved”. Moreover, client-based, corrupt and demonstratively criminal social structures not only learned to utilize the institutions of representative democracy, but also managed to fit the democratization changes themselves in the context of their own corporate strategies. In terms of political history, the previous period of Ukraine can be characterized as an oligarchic consensus; ruined at a certain stage by an attempt to monopolize power by Yanukovych’s surroundings. The 2014-2015 crisis resulted in the political domination of “political projects”, rather than parties in the classical sense, as major subjects of political competition, projects, which, given the character of their emergence and functioning, balance between business start-up logics and the promotional laws of pop stars. The most important means of assessing the quality of democracy, Ukraine has degraded, during the period when it was supposed to actively arrange its democratic bases. One answer may be that the conscious efforts targeting democracy have not yet spawned sufficiently comprehensive consequences. However, it is already clear that instead of adopting progressive social innovation, we have social mutation, which resembles the expected result according to certain exterior features, but which radically contradicts the conception of reform. Oligarchy in the Ukrainian political and social context means a situation, when wealth is used to preserve a monopoly of power and power is converted into wealth. In fact, an oligarchy means usurpation of power, when people are deprived of sovereignty and major management facilities are appropriated by an organized group. Only the republic may become an alternative to oligarchy in Ukraine. The republic, as we understand it, denotes a kind of political organization of citizens, who founded the state, based on common values and generally accepted rules of community life.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 201-212
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Особливості політичної комунікації у етнополітичному конфлікті
    Specyfika komunikacji politycznej w konflikcie etniczno-politycznym
    Autorzy:
    Родик, Габріелла
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489375.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    political communication,
    mediatization of the political communication,
    ethnopolitical conflict,
    representative democracy,
    civil society
    Opis:
    The article analyzes the main features of the crisis political communication and the peculiarities of political communication impact on the multiethnic society during the ethnopolitical conflict. The key aim of the article is to discover the circumstances under which political communication serves as a hinder of ethnopolitical conflict intensification or as a mechanism of conflict regulation. It was taken into consideration that modern political communication is proceed its mediatization stage where the transmission of information and communication is based on using media channels, information and communicative technologies. Conditions under which political communication obtains crisis characteristics are defined. The basic manipulative techniques of modern mass media in ethnopolitical sphere that can be used for the purposeful influence on emotional and perceptual sphere of human’s feelings are determined. A theoretical analysis of the basic features of propaganda in ethnopolitical conflict is performed. Specific recommendations for optimizing the communicative space in the interethnic interaction are given. The mechanisms of the crisis political communication rationalization, based on the concept of representative democracy and civil society are proposed.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 292-296
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
    The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
    Autorzy:
    Бульбенюк, Світлана
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    political power,
    government,
    civil society,
    the state,
    the ruling class,
    «opinion leaders»,
    transformation
    Opis:
    We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Середній клас як гарант політичної стабільності сучасного українського суспільства
    Średnia klasa jako gwarant stabilności politycznej współczesnego społeczeństwa ukraińskiego
    Autorzy:
    Сухачов, Станіслав
    Лужанська, Тетяна
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489470.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    the middle class
    political stability
    the modern Ukrainian society
    the lower class
    clan-oligarchic groups
    Opis:
    The article concerns the middle class in Ukraine, which is a determining factor of the political stability in any democratic society. The middle class is a complex social formation that has a political dimension and determines the level of citizen social and political activity, which is determined by their status of the working owner, which denies populism, political indifference and political exclusion. The criteria for belonging to the middle class are not only the high level of material security, but also the way of life, independence and the labor nature of income sources - a certain standard of living. Due to the lack of opportunities to realize their economical potential in their own country, millions of ukrainian citizens have left to work in other countries, where the process of the modern ukrainian middle class formation is taking place. In the ukrainian society due to the availability of the lowest social standards in Europe by income, to the middle class, not so much representatives of mental labor belong, but as so-called «servicemen of the oligarchs». Deepening in the income inequality is largely the result of the development of not so much market, European mechanisms, as many pseudo-market, that make the formation of the middle class impossible. Further functioning of the Ukrainian society political system in the format of its commitment to the interests of not the middle class, but a handful of oligarchs, only preserves the neo-feudal division of society into an absolute majority of the poor - hereditarily poor, and an unaccountably rich minority. It is therefore logical that the political system should deviate from the paradigm of state use, its organs and finance to enrich the ruling class. A serious problem arose before ukrainian politologists and sociologists - the problem of studying the conditions of the middle class formation, which should include the presence of a clear and understandable for everyone normative base, which determines the process of the middle class formation. This, in turn, provides for the deprivation of the petty care from the state, which makes impossible the neo-feudal principle: friends must have everything, and enemies deserve the law. It is clear that the institutions of the political system must establish equality of everyone before the law, which is an important way of the middle class formation in modern Ukrainian society. Until political institutions remain channels for collecting corrupt rents from the Ukrainian population, which is considered as a natural resource from which you can rent for owning it, it is impossible to talk about the effectiveness of reforms and the success of the middle class formation. The leading way not only of quantitative growth but also of widespread strengthening of the economic, social, political, and spiritual positions of the middle class is a significant limitation of the political power of the clan-oligarchic groups, the reliable basis of which is the shadow economy, which concentrates millions of able-bodied Ukrainians and is an essential brake on the establishment of European civilized market relations and civic structures based on labor private property. An important way of a middle class formation and development in a transformational ukrainian society is the creation (with the state’s sake) a large number of enterprises, firms, producing material and spiritual values, whose employees demonstrate high motivation to work. Now the middle class is replaced by the lower class and does not perform in practice its socially important functions, does not act as an effective guarantor of political stability and the basis of democratic transformations in today’s transformational Ukrainian society. Therefore, one of the priorities of the Ukrainian state should be firstly, creating the necessary conditions for the widespread development of the middle class, first of all, through real economic reforms aimed at realizing socio-economic, political, and spiritual interests. Secondly, the middle class should embody the best features of professionalism, individualism and tolerance, which are based on its strong positions as a working owner as a reliable guarantor of stable and sustainable social development. Thirdly, in order to form a middle class as a guarantor of political stability, there should not be a huge mass of poor people alienated from power, property and social respect. A characteristic feature of modern Ukrainian society is that those who would have belonged to the middle class, are very close to the lower class for their low incomes and the level of satisfaction of their needs. Without the practical implementation of these logical processes, it is extremely difficult to imagine any positive prospects for the development of the middle class as the political stability of modern Ukrainian society.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 164-170
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Еволюційні тенденції у діяльності ліворадикальних організацій Західної Європи (Італія, Іспанія, Франція, Німеччина)
    Evolutional Tendencies in the Activity of the Left Radical Organizations in Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany)
    Autorzy:
    Рева, Тетяна
    Вільчинська, Ірина
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489537.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    left radicalism
    far left political parties
    Western Europe
    anti-capitalism
    revolution
    «society of justice»
    democratic centralism
    terrorism
    Opis:
    The main evolution tendencies of the radical left organizations of the largest counties of Western Europe (Italy, Spain, France and Germany) are researched in the article. It consists of the analysis of their origins, development and modern condition. The actuality of the article is the necessity of the political historical analysis of forms and manifestations of the phenomenon. It is also important to study such its features as variety, ideological transformations and dynamic processes. The researching of the new tendencies of left-wing political parties and movements in the well-developed European countries is very useful for Ukraine in the context of the decommunization process. The term «radicalism» ( from Latin, radix – root) is used to characterize the extreme-orientated organizations, parties, movements and groups which show their inclination to the radical reformation of the modern social political institutions to solve different social problems. Left radicalism is the social political phenomenon, based on the aspiration of political active groups of some people for destruction of the existed system of the state authority to put in practice the ideas of the «society of justice» and communist conceptions of ХІХ-ХХ centuries. The main tendencies of the modern leftwing groups are: 1) Revolutionary idea. They support the idea of the transformation and the elimination of the existed social regime by the upheaval; 2) Anti-capitalism. Left radicals rudely criticize the world economic system as the form of the slavery of the end of XX century – the beginning of XXI century. It is characterized by the domination of the great corporations’ interests; 3) Democratic centralism. A man has the right of choice in the different fields of social life. Only one political party or group gets the state power; 4) Strategy of protest. Left radicals take part in single terroristic acts or organisations and various movements of protests. 5) Armed struggle. Using of the violence is one of the main methods to influence the community. For example in the second half of XX century, many powerful extreme-left terroristic groups acted in Western Europe. They are «RAF» (Germany), «Red Brigades» (Italy), «GRAPO» Spain, «Action Directe» (France). The fundamental principles of the left radicalism are the idea of the society of justice and critical analysis of state imperialist policy. Left radicals call for the elimination of the capitalist system and building of the socialism by the revolutionary-armed fight. The most part of the left movements and political parties are anti-American. They fight against the political influence of the USA as the centre of world imperialism and call states for leaving such imperialistic organisation as the NATO. There is the ideological regionalism of the political radicalism in Europe. Its various kinds dominate in the different parts of the country. These ideological orientations depend on many social economic and historical factors. For example, we can see the ideological regionalism in Italy between North (right wing radicalism) and South (left wing radicalism) and in Germany between West (far left) and East (far right). In general, in the modern Europe comparing extreme right and extreme left, we can see the decadence of the far left and the activation of the far right political tendencies. The main reason of extreme right success is the modern migrant crisis in European countries. Left radicals are popular only in the countries with political economic crisis and associated with populism. The researchers of left radicalism distinguish three potential electoral groups of far left political parties and movements: 1) Extreme left subcultures. They are groups or people who have taken part in the various demonstrations and have been a member of the far left political party for a long time; 2) Left centrists. They have neutral political position and prefer vote for “green” parties; 3) Protesters. They are groups of young people who support the populist tactics and join different demonstrations against globalization and the EU. In the second half of the XX century left radicalism was more aggressive then the right one in the biggest countries of Europe. The most powerful terroristic organisations of this period were left wing. They are «Red Brigades», «RAF», «GRAPO» and «ETA». The scientists connect the “revival” of left ideologies in Western Europe after the Second World War with the spreading of anti-fascist ideas in the former fascist and national-socialist countries (Italy, Germany, Spain, Romania, Hungary and Portugal etc.). Today political radicals actively influence the internal and external policy of the European Union. The main vectors of their activity are the fight against the EU enlargement, the limitation of immigration, the revision of the social guarantees for migrants and their families and the state control in all spheres of a society. All these issues were manifested in the attempt to stop the temporary regime of the implementation of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement in September 2014. The activity of the Eurosceptics led to the enlargement of the number ( 99 up to 124) of the representatives of right and left out-system organisations in the European parliament in 2014. The European left parties even established political block, called «European United Left – Nordic Green Left (GUE-NGL)».
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 169-178
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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