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    Tytuł:
    Теоретико-методологічниі аспекти технологій легітимації політичної влади в Україні
    Theoretical and Methodology Aspects of the Technologies’ Legitimation of Political Power in Ukraine
    Autorzy:
    Чубаєвський, Віталій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489438.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    Ukraine
    democratic transformation
    political power
    technologies of the legitimation
    of political power
    the electoral process
    Opis:
    The analysis of theoretical and methodological aspects of the essence, content and specificity of the application of technologies’ legitimation of political power in Ukraine at the stage of democratic transformation has been shown in the article. These technologies are defined as a kind of social engineering, deliberate, purposeful action to influence a wide range of subjects of political relations, with the aim of creating a positive image of the government using evidence-based set of tools, methods and procedures. The attention has been focused on the unexplored side of the legitimation of power – its symbolic regulation and organizations, in particular the mythologizing and ideologizing. The legitimacy of power in Ukraine before the events of the Euromaidan was being achieved thanks to legitimate technology of simulation of democratic changes, which is a type of the virtualization technology. The analysis of the nature of the relationship between the state and society at the time of independence with the release of the respective stages, which in fact match the timing of presidential candidacies and is evidenced by the domination of certain legitimate technologies, has been implemented. At the present stage of socio-political development of Ukraine the populism in all the richness of its forms and manifestations and means of use acquires threatening volumes. The most dangerous consequences of destructive influence of populism are: the formation of an overly simplified picture of the socio-political reality; the delegitimization of the existing political and social order due to its constant criticism; the formation of two-dimensional («people» – «enemies») picture of the world with the simultaneous vulgarization of the complex problems’ solution, etc. The process of legitimation of political power during elections, and, respectively, the related electoral technologies, occurs at all stages of the electoral process – well before the official nomination of the applicants to obtain powers. For example, for the formation of public opinion in the period between elections the technology of the customized polls which referred to the defendants in the upcoming elections is used. The legitimation of power occurs during the nomination and registration of candidates, political parties and blocks of political parties – participants in the electoral competition, in the formation of their campaign offices and funds of the election commissions, election campaigning, the actual voting and also during appeals and judicial processes. Especially dangerous to society and to the development of democracy is manipulative constitutional and legal technology, when the electoral laws and even constitutional provisions «wing» as the political situation. The ruling circles with the manner of application of certain provisions of the electoral system, particularly the type of electoral system, size of entry barriers, permission or prohibition of participation in elections of blocs of political parties, the order of formation of election commissions, etc. form the preconditions for the victory of certain political forces. The modern period of social development is marked by a significant influence on the formation of people’s consciousness of communication and information technologies, as television and radio create the illusion of presence of the broad masses of the population, including the audience abroad. Psychological and image-based technologies are designed to influence the consciousness and sub consciousness of the person. The use of such technologies is quite different from the ordinary informing of man. They are aimed at disruption of its activities. The purpose of these operations – is the impact on the public consciousness in a certain direction, aiming at the subordination of the will of the people and their behavior in such a way as to force them to act, if not against their own interests, then with a significant «correction» in favor of the initiators of the use of such technologies. The technologies are used not only for political legitimation of the power, but its de-legitimization. A common practice of de-legitimization of candidates seeking to get to power is the technology of «black PR», «dirty» technologies, the publication of compromising materials on the Internet with their subsequent legalization in the Ukrainian mass media, etc. The special feature of the development of the political process in Ukraine is the use of «dirty» technologies associated with the artificial aggravation of inter-regional contradictions. Their use has become widespread since the early 2000s and lasted until the beginning of the dramatic events connected with the annexation of Crimea and the exclusion of the Eastern territories of the country by an external aggressor. The main direction technologies of the political power legitimation is their virtualization and symbolic regulation, the content of which depends on the characteristics legitimate periods of functioning of the political power in Ukraine. The current stage of the political power legitimation in Ukraine, which began with the overthrow of the regime of Yanukovych, certifies the playback of her previous technologies of democratic reforms’ imitation.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 179-191
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Етимологічна та змістовна варіативність і системність класичного / вузького визначення політичної опозиції
    Etymological and content variativity and system of classical / narrow definition of political opposition
    Autorzy:
    Кольцов, Віталій
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489299.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    governmen
    opposition
    determinism of the political opposition
    parliamentary opposition
    political power
    competition
    Opis:
    Political opposition (in the narrow sense of the word) plays an important role in the mechanism of checks and balances under the conditions of one or another type of political regime. Accordingly, the study of political opposition is impossible without studying the political system and political power, and the political opposition is a term and a concept that is of paramount importance for understanding political competition, relations between power and non-power, the state and society. However, the narrow definition of political opposition is varied and ambiguous, although its essence and unilateral. Its unidirectionality is a consequence of classical research in the late 60's and early 70's of the twentieth century. It was initially argued that political opposition is an antipode of government within any political system, and therefore forms the basis of the political-system context of the analysis of inter-institutional relations. Consequently, the narrow definitions of political opposition are variable, albeit averaging equal to the mechanisms of checks and balances. The point is that, in the classical sense, political opposition is interpreted relatively, because it is relevant to staying in one form or another disagreement with other authorities. The specificity of the narrow understanding of political opposition is due to the view from which angle of view and theoretical and methodological point of view it is normative, institutional, structural and functional. At the same time, the perception of political opposition is the unified as an institution with its functions and structure. A lot part of scientists appeals to definition political opposition in an even more narrow and even normative or instrumental sense. This generates the requirement of perception of political opposition as an institution that is sharply opposed, on the one hand, individual political actors, but on the other hand, any sudden outbursts of protests and violence, although they can be a tool of influence of the political opposition. In addition, it determines the vision of the political opposition as an institution outside government or power in its narrow sense. Largely this narrow and normative understanding of the political opposition due to the fact that the study of empirical cases of political opposition or claim and the necessity of its classification, even the classics of political theory of the opposition mainly focus their attention on one particular kind of political opposition, namely the parliamentary opposition, which is understood as the most advanced and institutional example of a political conflict. Using this theoretical and methodological logic of the political opposition in its classic Definition often limited to one particular political sphere - the Parliament - or just one specific actor - party (or parties) that represents a minority in the legislature. The primary objective of the political opposition in its classical definition is getting political, especially governmental power. This means that political and parliamentary opposition are equivalent in the narrow approach. As a conclusion, an appeal to the essence and phenomenon of political competition is the synthetic descriptor of a narrow or classical definition of political opposition. In this regard, any form of political opposition is always generated around a certain type of political competition, and not vice versa, because political competition does not necessarily involve a political opposition. In this case, competition between the government and the political opposition, which are political categories, is primarily a competition for political power. Or, in other words, competition under the scheme of "government-opposition" is traditionally considered as a controversy over the issues of obtaining and implementing power. The government and the opposition must be determined by some degree of mutual recognition of each other, and therefore excludes a high degree of violence in their relationship and competition (whereby the opposition in time of war and unauthorized by the government the strike are not manifestations of political opposition), changing their structured rules. Although on the other hand, such conceptualization of the political opposition as a base is insufficient, because it works only in a democratic political regime. But this observation is not the task of the presented scientific exploration, it is subject to further scientific research on the problem of determining the political opposition.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 230-237
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Деінституціалізація політичної сфери в Україні: теорія та її підтвердження практикою
    Dezinstytucjalizacja sfery politycznej na Ukrainie: teoria potwierdzona przez praktykę
    Autorzy:
    Макух, Оксана
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489460.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    the institution of political power,
    deinstitutialization, humanization,
    boundary area communication
    Opis:
    The relevance of theorizing about problems of deinstitutionalization in politics is dictated by the lack of system researches in Ukrainian scientific literature and regulations concerning the display mode of correlative relations of the individual and institution in political power; searching for «the break points» at the intersection of civil and institutional dimensions of politics. The theoretical aspect of the paper is due to the necessity of forming the scientific basis of searching the peculiarities of the communication factor in dynamics of the institution of political power. Communication appears as a determinant of the characteristics of this process and determines the functional degradation of the institute of political power. It «blurs» deinstitutionalization through its boundaries, meanwhile identifying a new design. The practical value of the paper is to prove by the feasibility of deinstitutionalization in politics through the introduction of a person in the process of forming of communicative and civil unions in institutional dimension and laying of the foundations of the institute of political power with modified «antropodimention» of functional parameters. The task of research is seen in: a need to create a system of principles of communication as a fundamental requirement, compliance with which will ensure the quality deinstitutialization processes, outlining the principles, mechanisms and consequences of deinstitutionalization politics, determining the level of readiness of Ukrainian society to be representative of the carrier and epochal changes in the socio- political sphere.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 165-173
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Взаємодія державної влади та громадянського суспільства в Україні в умовах системних викликів сучасності (кратологічно-управлінський і антропологічний дискурси)
    The interaction of government and civil society in Ukraine in conditions of systemic challenges (kratalogical, management analysis and anthropological discourses)
    Autorzy:
    Бульбенюк, Світлана
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489452.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2017
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    political power,
    government,
    civil society,
    the state,
    the ruling class,
    «opinion leaders»,
    transformation
    Opis:
    We consider the issues of interaction between government and civil society in modern Ukraine in terms of system calls through the prism kratological and management analysis and anthropological discourses. These discourses are concentrated in the kratological domain of research, because the issues of power in the domestic space forever are key in the theoretical and practical plane. Nowadays, the kratological discourse is complemented by the problem of studying the network of civil society and the E-state, which causes a qualitatively different view of political power - as a disperse phenomenon, a set of political alternatives known and equal to all rules. The author draws attention to the importance of lighting latent internal mechanisms for the implementation of political and / or power state for a deeper understanding of trends, implications and possible prospects of implementation of the strategy of systemic transformation of the Ukrainian state and society. At the same time, special attention is paid to the formation of a de facto semi-political confrontation between political and social actors of two types - representatives of the establishment and "opinion leaders" of the traditional and networked civil society. If the former are mainly representatives of the domestic political class of the post-Soviet period, then the latter are activists, intellectuals, artists, public, and eventually also potential statesmen (say, the young generation of people's deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of the VIII convocation), who came to the political and social advance during or after the revolutionary events of autumn 2013 - the winter of 2014. It is proved that in the conditions of those splits that occur now in Ukraine, the key social and political actors of socio-political shifts should be updated representatives of the ruling class, on the one hand, and «opinion leaders» from among the traditional and the network of civil society, on the other hand. Substantiates the view that the expression of an effective and truly democratic interaction of the state and civil society should be to ensure transparent competitive environment and creating a realm where it becomes possible political dialogue between the government and citizens, which the state is ready to negotiate with its citizens about the important issues of social development. After all, the main problems of the national state building in Ukraine in the last two and a half decades are related precisely to the fact that the domestic ruling class has not managed to conduct a permanent public dialogue with citizens, and those attempts to formulate and put forward relevant projects of social agreements that were carried out by social actors from the civil society, did not find an adequate response from the political actors on the part of the state. Thus, it can be argued that while the attempts to "conventionalisation" Ukrainian political life are a model of "one-gates", when only one side of a potential public-public dialogue and the conclusion of a social contract on its basis is interested in such a process. Moreover, the representatives of the establishment of various ideological and ideological and geopolitical directions, from the conventionally "pro-Moscow" to the conditionally "pro-American" and "pro-European" ones, have shown their disinterest. The basis of such a political dialogue should be symbolic of the conclusion convene social contract between senior representatives of the state and civil society on the basis of a political and social compromise. The importance of achieving a political and social compromise is due not only to the fact that without its achievement it is impossible to speak about the further political and socio-economic progress of our state in the conditions of a long Russian-Ukrainian military conflict and the unsolved numerous splits (intergenerational, value, structural-institutional, geopolitical And others) within the domestic society, but also because in recent decades, under the influence of the deployment and deepening of the processes of informatization and globalization in a substantial way the understanding of political and / or state power has changed - its essence, purpose, features of interaction with society and citizens. A true "conventionalisation" of domestic political life is possible only on condition of recognition of the equality of both subjects in the conclusion of such a symbolic pact - and the leading figures of the political class and civil society actors, with their circle to be expanded as much as possible, including through the involvement of representatives of the network civil society, various communities of so-called "grassroots" public initiatives.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 163-171
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Моделювання відносин «парламентська опозиція-уряд» у Словаччині в 90-ті роки: контекст, інституційні чинники, потенціал та результативність
    Modelowanie stosunków „opozycja parlamentarna-rząd” na Słowacji w latach 90.: kontekst, czynniki instytucyjne, potencjał i skuteczność
    Autorzy:
    Бусленко, Василь
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489255.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2014
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    opposition,
    the parliamentary opposition, government,
    power,
    political conflict, democracy,
    political competition,
    authoritarianism
    Opis:
    The causes and consequences of the political conflict model formation of relations between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Slovakia in the 90th years of the twentieth century have been analyzed in the article. Internal and external factors that influenced this formation were elucidated. The forms of political opposition institutionalization, the potential and the effectiveness of coalition politic were substantiated. The contradictory nature of the relationships between the government and the opposition are considered in the context of increasing authoritarian tendencies, destabilizing of democracy and weakening of inter-party competition. The weakening of inter-party competition in the early 90s and coming to power of V. Meciar strengthened the authoritarian tendencies and led to minimizing of the parliamentary opposition influence and reducing its control functions. Low level of consensus between the government and opposition parties was observed. This allows to talk about the construction of a conflict model of interaction between the government and the opposition. The relationships between the government and the political opposition was largely depended on the personal factor. Personification of policy in Slovakia clearly seen in the person of V. Meciar. He played a dominant role in politic. The conflicts between him and his main opponents led to the polarization of political life in Slovakia. Curtailment of democratic processes and the slowdown the process of European integration in the country led to the unification of the efforts of the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forms of political opposition. This resulted to the creation of a new institutional framework. The political opposition has been greatly strengthened by NGOs. Non-party subjects of opposition activities were integrating center for opposition parties. Significant role in increasing of political subjectivity of opposition played the EU. Only since 1998 in Slovakia the practice of democratic change of parties in power was restored. This created the conditions for eliminating the consequences of V. Meciar illiberal regime, implementation of European integration policy and economic reforms.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 145-152
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    «Рашизм» як квазіідеологія пострадянського імперського реваншу
    „Raszyzm” jako quasi-ideologia postradzieckiego rewanżu postimperialnego
    Autorzy:
    Дем’яненко, Борис
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489313.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    ruscism
    putinism
    ideology
    quasi-ideology
    power
    political regime
    Opis:
    The article is devoted to the «ruscism» – the political neologism that arose at the beginning of the 21st century to denote the quasi-ideology and social practice of the modern political regime in the Russian Federation. Key definitions of the proposed article are «ideology» as a system of beliefs and ideas, views on society and its political life, that reflects ideals, worldview, interests, mindset of people, social classes, political parties, social movements, and also includes values, normative and target tendencies and the ways of their achievement, in particular its modern concept of «expanding» (according to T. Parsons) that is being interpreted as a particular society’s system of values that is serving the universal orientation for the socio-political activities; «quasi-ideology» in the sense of «false», «imaginary» ideology and an eclectic synthesis of certain postulates; «ruscism» as the unofficial name of the quasi-ideology and social practice of the ruling regime in the Russian Federation at the beginning of the 21st century, which is an eclectic mix of imperial neo-colonialism, great-power chauvinism, nostalgia for the Soviet past, religious traditionalism, and acts as an identification mechanism within the system (recognition of «friends» and «enemies»), engagement (attracting of the new «friends»), and legitimization of conditional offenders on which all kinds of freedom supporters make claims. The author relies on a wide range of approaches to the definition of the semantic and ideological content of the «ruscism» by Russian scholars and political analysts who represent a predominantly critical view of the current political regime of the Russian Federation (S. Belkovsky, L. Gudkov, A. Melnikov, A. Piontkovsky, A. Skobov), political and military figures of the post-Soviet space (Sh. Basayev, J. Dudayev), Ukrainian researchers (O. Grinov, O. Kaftan, O. Kostenko, O. Leusenko, V. Tkachenko, M. Tomenko and etc.), expresses own opinion regarding this phenomenon. It is stated that the manifestation of «ruscism» in the domestic policy is the violation of human rights for freedom of thought, the persecution of dissidents, the use of mass media for misinformation of the own society and the neglect of democratic procedures. In foreign policy «ruscism» manifests itself in violation of the international law principles, the imposition of the world’s own version of historical truth, the justification of the barbarian geopolitics of the Russian Federation aimed at occupation and annexation of the other states’ territories based on the local cooperation and support of the Russian fifth columns. Nowadays «ruscism» acts as the ideological basis of the non-democratic regime in the Russian Federation also known as «putinism». It is predicted that «ruscism» as an ideological basis of «putinism» and «putinism» itself as a kind of authoritarian political regime of the present Russian Federation can exist after Putin’s departure (resignation, escape, natural or violent death, etc.). In this case the role of the key figure of the regime will be played by another successor and such a modernization of the quasi-ideology of «ruscism» and the facade of «putinism» may be beneficial to the financial oligarchy, since it can hypothetically reduce the impact of international sanctions and isolation.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 35-40
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Методика вивчення ціннісно-мотиваційних чинників політичної активності
    Method of Studying of Value-motivational Factors of Political Activity
    Autorzy:
    Савиченко, Ольга
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489392.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2016
    Wydawca:
    Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
    Tematy:
    motivation of political activity
    political values
    power motivation
    achievement
    motivation
    motivation of affiliation
    completeness of motivational structure
    internal and external
    balance of motivational structure
    social
    processual and subjective levels of value regulation
    Opis:
    The article presents the method of studying of value-motivational factors of political activity. The analysis of terminological and theoretical premises of research of value-motivational factors of political activity is done. Author’s approach to organization of empirical research of psychology of minority political activity is proposed. Correlation of values and motivation, dynamics of social, activity and personal mechanisms of personality development are considered in the terminological analysis. Using of three factor theory by D. McClelland to empirical research of value-motivational factors of political activity is justified. Based on analysis of research methods of value-motivational factors the content analysis system that allows to measure individual motivational tendencies and qualitative features of human motivation is described. Based on the analysis of H.Hekhauzen’s research 4 types of situations of the development and implementation of political values and motivation are singled out: 1) the self comparison with own achievements; 2) the self comparison with standart; 3) social comparison with a real opponent; 4) social comparisons with generalized or personalized ideal. Structure of the research of value-motivational factors of political activity comprises the steps of photobiographical research, expert evaluation and value grates building. Analysis of the results provides quantitative and qualitative interpretation. Quantitative analysis includes content analysis of the structure of motivation and levels of the value regulation, and the factor modeling. Categories of content analysis can explore the achievement motivation (success motive and the motive of avoiding failure), power motivation and motivation of affiliation (adoption). Each of the categories of content analysis is analyzed for compliance motivational components to one of value levels - social, processual or subjective. The categories for content analysis of achievement motivation is the need to achieve success or to avoid failure, the corresponding instrumental activity, expectations of success or failure, positive or negative reinforcement, emotional state and result. The study of power motive is through singling of categories of prestige, instrumental activity aimed at power, external interference, power anticipation, emotional states, the effect of power action. Content analysis of affiliation motives includes an analysis following categories: positive emotions, dialogue, growth, loyalty, freedom from restrictions, reunification, harmony, conquest to sense, a refuge in a relationship, unity with nautre. As for the level of value, the article noted that on social level individual development is determined by the needs for approval and recognition and reflection is directed to understanding of referential awareness of assessments and forecasting of the basis of their own development. Process level is characterized by awareness of conditions and requirements of activity, reflection focus on skills, actions and operations and the their related results criterion for evaluating of which is effort. On the subjective level processes that occur in the sphere of activity and in social relations are conscious and influence the planning of further self-development. The indicators of qualitative analysis are: expression of each component in the structure of motivation, completeness of structure of motivation, external and internal balance of motivation structure, the analysis of groups of values that were significant for the results of value assessment. The proposed research represents the ideographic approach to the study of values and motivation and allows to follow the laws of value-motivational determination of political activity of the political leaders of national minorities.
    Źródło:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 323-331
    2312-8933
    Pojawia się w:
    Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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