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Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 55
Tytuł:
Естетизація війни: рушійні фактори, елементи та функції
Estetyzacja wojny: czynniki napędzjące, elementy i funkcje
Autorzy:
Полянська, Вікторія
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489361.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political aesthetics,
political aesthetization,
political symbolization,
political ritualization
Opis:
The phenomenon of the war through the frame of the political-aesthetical approach is conducted. The aim of the article is to research the moving factors, elements and function of the political aesthetization of the war as a political phenomenon and a complex political process. The methodology of this research is based on the political-aesthetical approach, which introduce the connection and interaction between the aesthetical and political spheres as a collection of the specific political-aesthetical phenomena and processes, emerging from the law of the people psychic working. The idea, that the people psychic works on the aesthetical laws, give us the possibility to view the political aesthetization as a natural process of political consequence. Thus, the main factors of political aesthetization of the war we could define as a irrational nature of political things, a strong emotional influence of the political thinking process by natural and managed sources, a correlation between political values and the aesthetical judgment. The elements of the political aesthetization process are determined as the political symbolization, political metaphorization and political ritualization. As to the war we conduct the symbols of the war, weapon, army and other war’s attributes; the rituals of the peace and war; the main metaphors, which descript the war and give some imagination about the war’s attributes and senses. We define the key functions of the political aesthetization of the war as the valuation, interpretation, mobilization, behavioral model’s forming and the other.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 265-272
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Этнический фактор консервативных тенденций в политическом процессе
Etniczny czynnik tendencji konserwatywnych w procesie politycznym
Autorzy:
Емельянова, Юлия
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489458.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political aesthetics,
political aesthetization,
political symbolization,
political ritualization
Opis:
The phenomenon of the war through the frame of the political-aesthetical approach is conducted. The aim of the article is to research the moving factors, elements and function of the political aesthetization of the war as a political phenomenon and a complex political process. The methodology of this research is based on the political-aesthetical approach, which introduce the connection and interaction between the aesthetical and political spheres as a collection of the specific political-aesthetical phenomena and processes, emerging from the law of the people psychic working. The idea, that the people psychic works on the aesthetical laws, give us the possibility to view the political aesthetization as a natural process of political consequence. Thus, the main factors of political aesthetization of the war we could define as a irrational nature of political things, a strong emotional influence of the political thinking process by natural and managed sources, a correlation between political values and the aesthetical judgment. The elements of the political aesthetization process are determined as the political symbolization, political metaphorization and political ritualization. As to the war we conduct the symbols of the war, weapon, army and other war’s attributes; the rituals of the peace and war; the main metaphors, which descript the war and give some imagination about the war’s attributes and senses. We define the key functions of the political aesthetization of the war as the valuation, interpretation, mobilization, behavioral model’s forming and the other.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 273-280
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політичний діалог як механізм розвитку професійної компетентності української політичної еліти
Dialog polityczny jako mechanizm rozwoju kompetencji zawodowej ukraińskiej elity politycznej
Autorzy:
Аксельрод, Роман
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489251.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political elites,
values,
political competence,
political dialogue
Opis:
competency. The article is devoted to the rational political dialogue as a part of the value of political activity management of Ukrainian society elite in the context of competent political decisions. The author defines various aspects of value rules for the administrative elite. It is shown that mastering the art of dialogue becomes an important indicator of competent approach primarily to problems in the political sphere. It is determined that political dialogue has exceptional importance in public administration , where it serves as one of the key, as it helps strengthen the unity of the political elite and civil society with diverse social interests and ultimately increase political, social and economic stability. It is emphasized that the process of dialogue is the basis for the transformation of the political system of Ukraine. It concerns the problem of relations between different branches of government. The lack of proper interaction between them - especially between the legislative and executive bodies of state power which causes conflict in the Ukrainian society. The attention is focused on political dialogue as essential for the maintenance of confidence in the public authorities, competent decision-making, program support activities of state and government.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 183-188
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Мімікрія як деструктивний чинник політичної культури українського суспільства
Mimikra jako destrukcyjny czynnik w kulturze politycznej ukraińskiego społeczeństwa
Autorzy:
Бобрук, Алла
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489428.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political mimicry,
imitation,
political culture,
political consciousness
Opis:
The article deals with important issues related with the sustainable existence of the Ukrainian society such negative phenomena as social and political mimicry. It considers that political mimicry is generally destructive,and facilitates the adaptation of political actors and their manipulation under citizens consciousness. It is shown that the nature of political mimicry is associated with the necessity of the struggle for power conservation status by political elite. The author defines political mimicry as a means of self-protection in crisis situations. This paper investigates the reasons for political mimicry existence in Ukrainian society, among them the author names „post soviet union „ attributes which are present in Ukrainian politics mental attitudes and behaviors at the level of elites. The author thinks that the main factors, both important components of Ukrainian society political culture which would provide immunity from political mimicry should be considered : the formation and development of public protest activities which demonstrate the appropriate level of political consciousness and culture and the activity of politically critical thinking citizens, specifically reflecting their political consciousness. Nowadays it should be an important feature of Ukrainian society political culture, especially in the context of mimicry politicians activity recognition. Besides it is important to establish real institution of political responsibility in Ukrainian society.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 174-182
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Мотиваційні детермінанти політичної волі
Determinanty motywacyjne woli politycznej
Autorzy:
Смірнова, Валентина
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489468.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political will
political responsibility
collective political will
individual political will
political compromise
arbitrary rule
unpopular political decisions
voluntarism
freedom of will
Opis:
Political will acts as a key component of the political process, the understanding of the essence of political events and the development of mechanisms for the modernization of socio-political life. The systematization of the motivational factors for implementing political will in decisions of the ruling elite and consolidation of the social outlook within the framework of the national identification process will allow establishing the essence of the determination of the political process, as well as identifying the key problems of balancing the socio-political environment and rationalizing the methodology of public policy development. Of particular importance is the above-mentioned problem within the Ukrainian socio-political space. The complexity of modernizing management institutes, regulating channels of power-public interaction and leveling up the confrontation of social initiatives requires the urgent development of algorithms for the transformation of a political system based on the materialization of social political will and the reconciliation of public expectations with the functional guides of key political actors. A prerequisite for these progressive advances is the theoretical understanding of the processes of practical implementation of the political interests of civil society in political decisions of the ruling elite, which is possible on the basis of studying the motivation of political will as the basis for reforming the socio-political sphere and the driving force of the gradual improvement of the political arrangement of the state system. Understanding the will as a regulator of human behavior and activity is expressed in the ability to overcome internal and external difficulties in the process of the implementation of purposeful actions and actions. It is the will to control the incentive to act and act in accordance with the purpose. Will and her motivation are the most important components of the deliberate behavior of a statesman. If the motivation is primarily responsible for initiating behavior (the formation of intentions), the will is responsible for their implementation. Considering the essence of the concept of «political will» through the prism of the practical measurement of the political process, the extraordinary value in the context of the search for the root causes and the development of mechanisms for modernizing public administration is to prevent the negative phenomena of politics - the centralization of political power and authoritarianization of the political system. After all, the greatest potential and opportunities for the implementation of motivated political will are fixed by the political actors endowed either by democratic procedures or through the form of organization of the political regime of power preferences. As with the functioning of representative democracy of the Western model with the prevalence of the legislative institution and the presidential form of the organization of political power inherent in certain countries of the post-Soviet political space, the implementation of a functional program for modeling state policy is de facto consolidated by representatives of the authorities. In any case, the political will of a separate political actor in the implementation of national policies should not prevail over the collective initiatives of civil society. Only then, representative democracy, based on the articulation of public interests by democratically oriented politicians, will not turn into a state system of an authoritarian type, where the definition of the course of foreign and domestic policy of the country will be in the plane of individual beliefs of one or more political actors. Expansion of the motivational paradigm of political will becomes especially relevant for defining the content of democratization processes in the post-Soviet political space, including in Ukraine. The long process of formation of Ukrainian statehood was accompanied by the arrival of a number of political forces, which were marked by different political views and a change in the constitutional matrix of the organization of political space. However, not always the political will of the country’s elite to form the course of state policy was in the field of national benchmarks of the Ukrainian public. As a result, the dissonance of the political will of the authorities and public institutions has led to political activation of the public and reformatting political power on the basis of popular will. The coincidence of various factors of a subjective and objective nature put the Ukrainian state in front of the choice of a vector for further political development. Challenges are not only in the field of consolidation of public landmarks, but also in rationalizing the administrative and management system and improving the program of political actions of the ruling elite. So, as a general conclusion, we note the following. Whatever the active role played by the will in the activity of a statesman, one can not completely deny that it is determined by a set of objective conditions and subjective factors, the material relations in which a person is. Will, as a driving force, is the concentration of energy that the subject receives from society, a form of manifestation of political activity, which includes the political consciousness and behavior of the subject of politics, and is directed, first of all, to the realization of interests and needs, related to the achievement of power, its maintenance, strengthening and use. An essential characteristic of political will is the ability of a political entity, through the appropriate volitional effort, to consistently pursue its goals and objectives in the field of political life, which involves the development, clear and clear articulation of political requirements and programs, the ability to adjust its goals and actions in relation to certain circumstances. The main motivational factors and at the same time the semantic core of the realization of political will are political values and the installation of social and individual consciousness, the political and legal culture of the subject of political activity. Volitional efforts can be related to biologically determined predispositions of the individual. Along with this, the motivation of political leaders in resolving political problems by volitional efforts is often caused by external factors, which indicates a significant reduction in their role of internal moral control. External motives can drive a policy maker in favor of a solution that will bring immediate benefits, but its long-term consequences will be negative. Therefore, when making decisions, one must always take into account the voice of conscience and think about how one or another solution will affect other people. Ideally, volitional activity of subjects of political activity should be limited not only to moral values, but also to the corresponding rules and norms. Only in this case, it will meet the idea of achieving the public good.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 214-222
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Лобізм і теоретичні моделі політичної комунікації
Lobbing i teoretyczne modele komunikacji politycznej
Autorzy:
Годний, Сергій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489448.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
lobbying
political field
political communication
political communication model
communicative influence
Opis:
The article highlights the importance of lobbying in conditions of modern Ukraine. The objective necessity of its existence in the society is shown. In conditions, when the state cannot sufficiently satisfy the interests of various social strata, layers and groups, this role is taken over by lobbying. The growth of its role in the society changes the vector pf democracy transformation form civic representation to representation of interests of social groups. The article determines that today lobbying is one of the key mechanisms of development and political decisionmaking; it is a considerable and efficient force, which influences the state authorities and institutions. The efficiency of lobbying depends on the level of its actual implementation. The article reveals that the phenomenon of lobbying is in a fact a communicative phenomenon as lobbyists and government representatives use various communicative resources. The author interprets the term of “political communication” as the process of transfer, exchange of political information, which shapes the political activity and gives it a new sense, forms public opinion and is part of political socialization of the citizens with the consideration of their needs and interests. It is emphasized that today communication plays the role of the main resource of the authorities. All the resources are influenced by communication. Any message, any information exchange implies some form of resources exchange. The author analyses various models of political communication described by H. Lasswell, M. DeFleur, J. Bordewijk, B. van Kaam, J.-M. Cotteret. Is has been determined, that of all the existing communication models, there was no model designed specifically for the analysis of communication lobbying. The presented models of political communication may describe the lobbyist contact as a process, but they all are narrowed to transfer of information, significant for political system functioning. It has been emphasized that contemporary communication theories transfer of information is crystalized into the so-called transmission model of communication. This model remains basic for the formation of understanding the nature of political communication. The study determines that in the context of the research, J.-M. Cotteret’s model is the most appropriate way to determine the peculiarities of lobbying in the Ukrainian society. It most accurately corresponds to the realities of Ukraine, which is sometimes called “oligarch economy”. This is a particular form of structural connection between the oligarch layer of the society and its economy (also through lobbying the economic interests of oligarchs). The specifics of the Ukrainian lobbying model lies in the fact that there is a total economic dependency of party circles, which may be seen both at the nation and local levels. It is emphasized that the key feeding source of oligarchy is parasitizing on the economic body of the state. That is why Ukrainian oligarchy received the name of “carnival-parasitizing”. And, unfortunately, corruption remains the main interaction mechanism between the power and the big business. The author determines the current problems of the lobbying process in Ukraine. Firstly, the national legislation has no clear definition of such terms as “corruption” and “lobbying” as a form of interaction between the authorities and the interested party. The issue of lobby legalization still remains an important issue as well as the necessity of establishment of legal and lobbying principles to ensure the legitimacy of its functioning. It has been suggested to develop the methodology of carrying out the political and legal expert evaluation of draft projects and to adopt it in the form of a legal act. The necessity of ensuring the transparency of the lobbying process improving the order of drafting and deliberation of legislation at the plenary sessions of the Ukrainian parliament are emphasized.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 193-198
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Чинники та особливості політичної адаптації внутрішньо переміщених осіб в Україні
Czynniki i osobliwości politycznej adaptacji wewnętrznych migrantów na Ukrainie
Autorzy:
Денисюк, Світлана
Корнієнко, Валерій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489490.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
adaptation
political adaptation
internally displaced person
political behavior
political consciousness
Opis:
The article analyses the problems of political adaptation of Ukrainians. Military conflict in the East of Ukraine, annexation of the Crimea, socioeconomic crisis, distrust to power institutions have all caused a number of issues associated with the internally displaced people. Political adaptive relations in the society are viewed as processes of identification in which a person identifies him\herself with certain aims and political values. The main problem, which internally displaced people face, include access to social services, having a constant place of residence and registering at the new place of residence. Such citizens receive help through oblast administrations and NGOs. As practice shows, the actions of the authorities regarding the problems of internally displaced people are mostly of a declarative nature. However, in addition to social and psychological, political adaptation is also important as it facilitates the integration of a society and its development. Factors that influence the political adaptation of internally displaced people in the modern Ukrainian society have been identified. 1. The set system of relations between a person and the state is ruined due to state institution crisis and power decentralization. 2. The possibilities for political activity of individuals as well as social groups in the course of exercising their rights and satisfying their interests are widened. 3. Activation of non-governmental institutions facilitates the organized citizen participation in the political process, which facilitates the popularization of an active public opinion. 4. Peculiarities of the work of political actors, their reputation, level of responsibility and efficiency. 5. Social environment of a person, level of his/her education and political culture. 6. Mass media, which popularize certain patterns of political behavior, manipulate consciousness, impose stereotypes etc. The author notes that internally displaced people are limited in their rights and freedoms in comparison with the rest of the population (deprivation of the right to vote, discriminative control of their place of residence, limitations as to the choice of a banking institution for receiving pensions and social support etc.). internally displaced people actually have no right to participate in solving local issues, despite the fact that this right is guaranteed by the Constitution of Ukraine. By this we mean participation in public hearings, local initiatives, general assembly of the community. In addition, internally displaced people cannot participate in establishment of bodies of population self-organization, which is one of the important forms of participation of territorial community members in solving local issues. There is an ambiguous attitude towards the IDPs from the East of Ukraine – compassion mixed with apprehension. On the one hand, local authorities wish to provide maximum possible help for the internally displaced people. At the same time, there is a growing tension in the relations due to the increasing number of citizens who died in the zone of the conflict. One of the key problems that hinders the adaptation of IDPs is the absence of a common national program concerning the internally displaces people as well as of a body that would be directly responsible for dealing with the issues of IDPs. Consequently, displaced people cannot trust state institutions, may perceive the political system as an enemy that does not facilitate their socialization. The process of political adaptation of internally displaced people to the change of political space has certain peculiar features. 1. Social disorientation is caused by the deformation of the socioeconomic system of a society and is a consequence of destruction of social links, statuses and roles, the system of political norms, behavioral ideals. 2. New social identification happens through establishment of new social identities and entering the institutional structure of a society. 3. Collective political participation is carried out through citizen associations, influence on making important political decisions is made at the level of non-governmental institutions. 4. Tolerance to value foundations of a democratic society is being established.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 127-131
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Конфліктний характер взаємовідносин між владою та опозицією в Україні: причини та політичні наслідки
Konfrontacyjny charakter stosunków pomiędzy władzą i opozycją na Ukrainie: przyczyny i skutki polityczne
Autorzy:
Бусленко, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489454.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
parliamentary opposition,
government,
political competition,
political conflict,
repositioning
Opis:
The article analyzes the dynamics of the relationship between the government and the parliamentary opposition in Ukraine. The causes and consequences of political conflict domination style relationship were clarified by the author. He believes that the distinction between opponents held the simplified line “anti-communism” to the complex and contradictory relationship in the triangle “president-parliament-government.” The political consequences of the conflict nature of interaction between government and opposition were minimizing the use of compromise as a tool to resolve disputes, activation of extra-parliamentary forms of political struggle, the attempt to develop mutual control of some political forces over others, stimulate political competition. Conflicts between the government and the opposition began to acquire signs of conflict between advocates support democracy building and its collapse and conservation. Therefore, in 2004 and 2014 repositioning political forces as changing the status on the powerful opposition, accompanied by the intensification of the democratization process. As a result of political actors started implementing new democratic forms and practices lustration of power, style dialogical relationship between government and society, strengthening the capacity of the third sector to influence the ruling elite. This is a prerequisite for the transition to a compromise model of relations between the authorities and the opposition.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 73-79
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Запровадження контрольної функції парламенту як складова політичної модернізації колишніх монархій Азії та Африки
The establishment of the control function of parliament as a component of the political modernization of the former monarchies of Asia and Africa
Autorzy:
Рудик, Андрій
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489337.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political modernization,
legislative control,
monarchy,
imaginary constitutionalism,
political responsibility
Opis:
Globalization raises questions about the prospects for the existence of the monarchical form of government. This is due to the fact that it is considered a historical anachronism, which eventually must disappear completely. Thus, in the 50's and 70's of the 20th century, there was series of coups and revolutions that led to the elimination of more than 10 monarchies. However, to date, the monarchies are more than a quarter of currently existing countries - 44. This situation is evidence of the fact that this form of government, despite its traditional character, able to adapt political present. In this context, the question naturally arises: why in some monarchies there is a political modernization, and in others it is not. This article aims to find out the experience of introducing the control function of parliament in former monarchies, which will allow understanding the reasons for their overthrow and reveal the peculiarities of the nature of the passing of a similar process in the existing monarchies. The article is based on the establishment of constitutionally fixed forms of legislative control over the executive in such former monarchies as Afghanistan, Burundi, Ethiopia, Egypt, Iraq, Iran, Laos and Libya. First of all, we should pay attention to such elements of the constitutional status of the monarch as inviolability and irresponsibility. It`s assurance depends not only on the formal consolidation of the two above-mentioned components. An important role is played by the real place of the monarch in the system of supreme bodies of state power. Paying attention to this fact reveals the level of implementation of the control function of parliament and assesses the efficacy or fictitiousness of certain forms. The author believes that the establishment of parliamentary control over the investigated monarchies has been fictitious and somewhat even decorative. This case was conditioned by the concentration of significant constituent powers in the hands of the head of state, which allowed exerting pressure on the parliament, which made it impossible or significantly reduced the probability of the implementation of one or another form of legislative control over the executive. The monarch actually or even legally was the head of the executive, but in none of these states, except Laos, he has no responsibility for the exercise of his powers. The result was the imbalance in the system of relations between the supreme bodies of state power in favor of the monarch. The establishment of the control function of the parliament actually led to the establishment of an imaginary constitutionalism in these states. The political modernization of investigated monarchies stopped solely within these limits, without receiving a continuation in the form of a full-fledged institution of political responsibility of the head of state. Therefore, the superficial and intrusive nature of political transformations, caused by the centralization of power, has become the main reason for the overthrow of the monarchy in analyzing countries. Of course, in the context of the transition of analyzing states into republic, we should take into account a number of other factors. But, first of all, the overthrow of the monarchy was due imaginary character of political modernization. The institute of monarchy remained deeply traditional and it could not function as the center of modernization processes. This is confirmed by the fact that after the military coups and revolutions in analyzing countries, the process of political modernization continued. The failure of establishment of the parliamentary control function in the former monarchies of Asia and Africa should be taken into account by some existing monarchies, such as Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar and Kuwait. In these states, there is also the gradual establishment of imaginary constitutionalism. The imbalance in the system of relations between the supreme bodies of state power, which gives rise to the above-mentioned phenomenon, has become one of the reasons for the "Arab Spring" in all, without exception, the Arab monarchies. Therefore, the thought of the Soviet scientist S. Kaminsky about the historical condemnation of this form of state government seems indisputable. But the author believes that, first of all, the fictitious nature of the establishment of the control function of parliament in the former monarchies of Asia and Africa led to the overthrow of them. Therefore, in order to prevent the repetition of military coups and revolutions in the existing monarchies, this problem needs further investigation.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 221-229
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Формування нової ідеології політичної участі українців
Kształtowanie się nowej ideologii partycypacji politycznej Ukraińców
Autorzy:
Новакова, Олена
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489355.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
democracy,
political participation,
protest activity,
ideology of political participation
Opis:
The article is devoted the analysis of ideological principles and essence descriptions of political participation of the Ukrainian citizens in the process of democratic transformation of society. The articles of analysis are the newest tendencies of forming of protest activity of citizens and directions of its bringing in to the processes of state building. The specific of the democratic mode of political power consists in that it cannot be created only efforts of political elite. Therefore a problem of forming of structural political participation, creation of the real mechanisms of bringing in of citizens, to acceptance and realization of political decisions is very important for Ukrainian society which tries to carry out scale democratic transformations. Progresses of the political participating trends in Ukraine are contradictory enough and demonstrate a wave dynamics. Under act of revolutionary events of 2013-2014 new ideology of political participation — ideology and culture of resistance which is based on the awareness of the involvement and responsibility for own life and life of people is formed. In order that ideology of resistance acquired unconflict forms gradually, it is necessary actively to use energy of people for the real changes in society. Therefore exactly balance of institucionalizacii and political participation certainly as an urgent condition of success of democratic reforms. In achievement of political order returning of trust needs to public, adjusting of collaboration of power and civil society authorities.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 194-200
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityczny odcień siwizny. Bałkańskie partie emerytów na tle europejskim
Політичний відтінок сивини. Балканські партії пенсіонерів на європейському тлі
Autorzy:
Czekalski, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489321.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
Balkan political scene,
pensioners’ parties,
elders,
political gerontology,
social benefits
Opis:
The study of political activity among the elderly has prompted some American researchers to take up research on “political gerontology” in the late 1970s. One of the effects of the increasing political activity of seniors, but also the growing number of 65+ voters was the emergence a new type of party that uniquely identified with senior citizens and in the wider sense ‒ the elderly, focusing both on demands typical for this electorate. The first party of its kind in Europe was the Italian Pensioners’ Party, founded in October 1987. The Balkan pensioners’ parties in the majority of cases were among the typical post-communist “demanding parties”, expressing the frustration of people, who lost social prestige and financial stability during the economic transformation. Some of them noted significant success by entering into the ruling coalitions (Serbia, Slovenia). Their successes generated the creation of new pensioners’ parties in Kosovo and Macedonia. The programs of Balkan pensioners’ parties are directed to the entire society, expressing sensitivity to the interests of excluding groups but it is hard to find visible references to elderly problems understood as a social and demographic challenge. The political activity of the Balkan “grey parties” does not seem as a form of elders’ emancipation but only as a defense of the pensions and social privileges inherited from the communist times.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2014, 4; 189-194
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Роль державних нагород у процесі формування вітчизняної політичної свідомості та культури
The role of public awards in the process of formation of domestic political consciousness and culture
Autorzy:
Пахолок, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489257.pdf
Data publikacji:
2017
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
state awards,
political consciousness,
political culture,
hero of Ukraine,
awards policy,
propaganda,
political and cultural values
Opis:
It was examined state awards as a resource of influence on the process of formation of political consciousness and culture. It was revealed the specificity of the use of state awards in the national political and cultural practice. The niche of state awards institutionally is in the structure of political symbols, and therefore entirely covers the functions of political symbols. Communication means, control and cognitive function is distinguished among the most significant general-symbolic functions. However, state awards have their inherent and own functions: political, stimulating, ideological, social, symbolic, diplomatic. It was found out that the modern domestic awards practice has traditional affinity with the period of Soviet statehood which left a significant political and cultural imprint, although work on the creation of the national awards system in Ukraine began immediately after proclamation of independence. State awards obtained their legal definition on March 16, 2000 with the adoption of the Law of Ukraine "On State Awards of Ukraine". By that time a rather holistic system of distinctions has already been formed which could mark the merits of almost all spheres of public life. This law distinguishes such types of awards: Hero of Ukraine title; order; medal; nominal firearms award; honorary title of Ukraine; state prize of Ukraine; presidential award. The title of the Hero of Ukraine is the highest degree of distinction, its assignment, depending on the grounds, includes the awarding of an order of the "Golden Star" - for doing a prominent heroic act, or an order of the state - for outstanding work achievements. Often, presenting of state awards is an artificial attempt to create a cause for strengthening the social image of the government among the public, and in particular the wide range of awardees. So, six medals out of ten in Ukraine are commemorative and jubilee. Typically, the number of people presented by them is measured by hundreds or even by thousands. They are presented not for a particular merit, but as a reminder that the authorities are aware of pre-committed heroic deeds or events and persons involved in them. At the same time such awards represent a form of historical memory, contribute to emphasizing certain events of the past. In general the use of state awards as a mechanism of ranking political and historical priorities is a widespread world practice. In this context the Polish "East Cross" award is a sign of gratitude, respect and memory for those people who helped the Poles who were persecuted because of their nationality in the East in the years 1937-1959. The initiators of the award introduction focused on the award Yad Vashem - "Righteous among the Nations". The political and cultural orientation of state awards is also seen in the nomination of state awards. There are four state awards: Taras Shevchenko National Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of architecture, Oleksandr Dovzhenko State Prize of Ukraine, State Prize of Ukraine in the field of education are oriented at leaders who are capable by virtue of their profession to convey a certain ideology to the society. And only the State Prize of Ukraine in the field of science and technology allows nomination of representatives of other professions. Each system of state awards under the condition of well-balanced domestic policy is formed in accordance with the strategic directions of social development and coordinates the demands of the society with the state interests. The lack of such coordination can cause a crisis of legitimacy of awards and as a consequence - distrust of state institutions, doubt in correctness of public policy and social justice. The authority of state awards and accordingly their positive influence on the political consciousness of society greatly undermine misunderstandings that arise periodically around their awarding. So, despite significant cultural devaluation, state awards are not only a political symbol, an attribute of the country, stimulus for hard work and an effective resource of influence on formation of political consciousness. With proper information campaign, schooling and education, the positive effect of this resource can be strengthened in times. Qualitative visualization of award procedures should be ensured by using the potential of political rituals with broad involvement of the media. Presenting with high state awards must be the subject of television shows and be displayed in systematically adjusted social advertising.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2017, 7; 245-253
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Політичний компроміс як засіб урегулювання конфліктно-кризових ситуацій
Political Compromise as a Means of Settling Conflict-crisis Situations
Autorzy:
Абуржейла, Самер
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489353.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
political compromise
conflict
crisis
comparative method
historical method
political and legal approach
sociological approach political decisions
Opis:
In modern terms the crucial issue is research on conflict settlement issues and crises through political compromise. These studies help to identify the causes and minimize the effects of conflict, crisis, namely to find out the factors abrupt change of state-government relations, the destabilization of economic processes under conditions of market abuse group interests and the emergence of social contradictions; identify the causes of unexpected displays of aggression within a country or between two countries; to establish the role of international organizations, national political parties and influential people who make decisions in complex social and political situations; analyze the effectiveness of settling disputes regarding the specification of borders between countries, violation of the sovereignty of individual states, the manifestations of separatism; understand the nature of officials in achieving the various kinds of temporary or long-term agreements, arrangements etc. For comprehensive understanding of the conflict logic and settlement of crises a methodology and technologies settlement of conflicts should be used. In the context of justification of political compromise as a means of conflict resolution, the usage of the comparative method allows: to trace the history and the actual content of the events associated with the use of the settlement of conflicts and crisis situations within individual countries and on international arena; delve into the complex twists and turns of a new world order, demonstrating both success and failure in achieving peace and social cohesion; trace capabilities for monitoring recent developments in the context of their impact on international political relations and democratic development in general. The historical method lets analyze competition in a globalized, knowledge and fill clarify contradictions possibility of a political settlement. History shows various options for the use of political compromise. In particular, in extremely difficult conditions applied so-called «bailout» tradeoffs that ignores fundamental ideological differences and contradictions associated with the operation of the opposing political systems. It is primarily about the anti-Hitler coalition as an opportunity to overcome the hazards common to the world. Another historically proven option should be considered as the best compromise that is associated with a particular unique situation of long-term crisis. This compromise, in particular, can be considered Spain transition from authoritarianism to democracy, without bringing the matter to the escalating conflict, negotiate ruling forces of the moderate and democratic opposition. Political and legal approach in the context of research policy facilitates compromise standards and features action legislation and necessary relations arising from their content. Compromise recorded in the legal act may conceal the danger in case if it ignores the realities of political life. These compromises, in particular, include the Munich Agreement of 1938, which, despite all politicians’ expectations have not been able to contain the aggression of Nazi Germany. In modern terms this can be considered a dangerous compromise Minsk II as an attempt to extinguish the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in Donbas. Such compromises can be seen as self-deception, political error unconscious surrender to the aggressor. Application sociological approach shows that the study of political issues take into account the interaction of social relations and resolving social conflicts, and compliance with existing social norms. Watching as political processes, phenomena and functioning of national political systems can be attributed to many causes and consequences of conflict within individual countries and between different countries. The sociological approach to record formal relations that have pseudo-democratic content in political, economic, social, cultural, military and social life and can lead to a complex problem. Political decisions in conditions of conflict-crisis situations involving the possibility of partial or final changes to stop undesirable developments or negative trends. Under these conditions, a policy designed to provide theoretical and practical policy approaches involving the use of compromise. There are a number of options that can be easily used in domestic political decisions, but the level of external change is much more difficult, since international commitments still unable to make a decisive impact on participants in international relations.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2016, 6; 299-305
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Президентська Росія перед викликами модернізації: соціально-політичний аспект
Prezydencka Rosja wobec wyzwań modernizacji: aspekt społeczno-polityczny
Autorzy:
Піляєв, Ігор
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489261.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
socio-political modernization,
post-Communist Russia,
political transit,
“guided democracy”,
authoritarianism
Opis:
The article investigates the historical background of Russia’s socio-political transformation in the age of presidential republic, the Russian society’s present state and modernization prospects. Since the Horde Russia would be effected by the oriental despotism. The Russian modernization historically took place under the Western civilization’s influence but its instruments were mostly despotic and essentially anti-European. The Russian historical drama is that the social base of its modernization had been exterminated during the Bolshevik Revolution and Stalin’s dictatorship, and by now, in the train of the ongoing post-communist transformations, is still in germ. In contrast to the American Great Power doctrine where democracy serves as an important tool, Putin’s Russia has chosen the absolute priority of state and corporate interests over rights, freedoms and interests of its citizens. The author concludes that the fundamental problems and challenges, which had confronted the Russian modernization a quarter century ago, have remained unresolved. The most important of them are the key political actors’ unwillingness to act within the democratic rules, the values foundation friability, the lack of democratic consciousness and political culture. Since the annexation of Crimea and the start of the hybrid war in Donbas Russia’s socio-political transformation has found clear imperial meanings and would rely henceforth on the Eurasian space’ resource self-sufficiency with the strictly authoritarian state ideology and elements of the mobilization economy.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2015, 5; 14-23
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Внутрішньополітична безпека України крізь призму концептуалізації гібридних викликів та загроз (2014-2018 рр.)
Wewnątrzpolityczne bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy poprzez pryzmat konceptualizacji hybrydalnych zagrożeń i wezwań
Autorzy:
Гулай, Василь
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489309.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
security
internal security
hybrid aggression
political regime
political elites and leaders
Opis:
The combination of military and non-military means of power struggle in interstate relations faced in recent years by countries such as Georgia, Moldova, Syria, Ukraine, Montenegro and others can not be considered entirely new phenomenon in world history, but with the development of information technology and the globalization of the financial and economic system has brought new opportunities for the use of economic, informational, political and military means of pressure. Positively evaluating the achievements of Ukrainian researchers in disclosing the institutional and procedural principles of the state system functioning and political provision of national security of Ukraine, it should be pointed out that the problem of conceptualization and response to internal political risks for its national security remains unresolved in the context of the continuation of wide-ranging implementation by Russia of theoretical and methodological and applied aspects. Hybrid war combined forces and means, including in the political sphere of Ukrainian society. Some aspects of this problem were presented by the author in Polish scientific publications. The work hypothesis found that the degree and nature of the destructive influence of individual events, phenomena and processes in the domestic political sphere, the economy, the social sphere, information activities, the fight against organized crime and corruption in Ukraine are not only conditioned by the corresponding undisguised intervention of the aggressor country, but also have an intra-Ukrainian nature, caused by the implementation of the latent interests of prominent representatives of the post-war political ruling class in Ukraine (Petro Poroshenko Bloc / People’s Front A. Yatsenyuk, A. Avakov and O. Turchinov / «Vinnytsia» group of Prime Minister of Ukraine V. Groysman). The main components of Ukraine’s internal security at the present stage in confronting the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation are considered: the system of ensuring political security and its subjects, internal political and interconfessional stability, public accord, civil society and political power, political regime and political security, state security, political elites and leaders, political movements, state-church relations, religious organizations, constitutional order, territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is necessary to take into account the fact that the special organs and advocacy machine of the aggressor country in the process of information war against Ukraine attaches the highest priority to the demoralization and disintegration of Ukrainian society and discretisation of the security and defense sector. Russian propaganda for destabilizing the situation in Ukraine is actively used by the growth of negative attitudes among Ukrainian citizens. An important problem that has emerged since the onset of hybrid aggression against Ukraine is the activity of Russian agents of influence in the parliament, political parties, local authorities and civic organizations. The simulated nature of the overwhelming majority of institutional and procedural components of the reform of the social life of the Ukrainian state while simultaneously marginalizing social protest actions in the short term create the illusion of social stability of the new / old dominant political and business groups as a collective embodiment of kleptocracy, clientism and corruption. hybrid political regime in post-war Ukraine. The ruling from 2014, based on client-patronage ties and faith through informal political practices, the consolidated power groups of the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko and the People’s Front are not able to overcome the crisis of confidence in power as an integral institutional and procedural system. They explain the growing internal protest potential of the Kremlin’s influence. The potential of the ruling political class of Ukraine is also aggravated by the fact that in its hands the most powerful material resources, administrative and technical-organizational means, funds, sources and means of information transmission, ideological and legal mechanisms, etc., are concentrated. The specifics of the ruling political class of Ukraine are manifested in the implementation of strategies for self-enrichment, which obviously leads to neglect of public interests and uncontrolled and permissiveness. Taking into account the growing scope of domestic political risk potential of national security in the projection of the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2019, a process of political consolidation of the most active part of Ukrainian citizens around common values and interests, overcoming of existing political contradictions and achieving socially acceptable standards of living may be worthy of scientific analysis, consequently, ensuring the security of the individual, society and the state, preserving its independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty and file progressive development of Ukraine.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 119-126
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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