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    Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 10
    Tytuł:
    Nowa polityka zagraniczna prezydenta Chin Xi Jinpinga
    China: President Xi Jinping’s new foreign policy
    Autorzy:
    Szumski, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2010980.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2015-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    The rise of China as a powerhouse of the world economy and recently as a political and military superpower caused increasing interest of leading experts from most countries. Since the end of 2012, China has had a new leader, younger and with stronger personality than his predecessor, who made his debut on the international stage. From the beginning, China’s diplomacy has become more active, more comprehensive and innovative, more realistic and flexible. President Xi Jinping mobilized 1.3 billion Chinese people with the conception of the Chinese dream of great national renewal, simultaneously on the external front China remained committed to pursuing, maybe slightly differently, peaceful development and played a constructive role in the world. By promoting the development of two new giant initiatives, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, President Xi Jinping planned to inject a strong impetus to the common development in Eurasia. Despite the recognition of high importance of the relation between the United States and China, President Xi Jinping extended the key role of the neighbourhood front in Chinese foreign policy and started to work vigorously to build a community of shared interests and destiny with Chinese neighbours. In 2014, President Xi Jinping said China needed to adopt big power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. The current Chinese foreign policy of President Xi Jinping is going to be an important challenge for the present international world system, governed by a “western” conception of order, drawn from liberal models and post-World War II rules. The new foreign policy of President Xi Jinping has as an objective to allow rising states, especially China, to be given more say to write new modified rules of international order in the contemporary world. At the same time, if the USA can successfully get the Trans-Pacific Partnership /TPP/ agreement off the ground, its confidence will get a boost. As a result, we are probably entering a new stage of the competition of two superpowers, and a new landscape in the world, especially in Asia, is now being formed.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2015, XVIII; 209-228
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Tajlandia wobec nowych wyzwań
    The Kingdom of Thailand encounters new challenges
    Autorzy:
    Szumski, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441418.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    sytuacja wewnętrzna w Tajlandii
    polityka zagraniczna Tajlandii
    Opis:
    The article presents deeply polarized Thai society, a political crisis and confrontation between supporters of Thaksin Shinawatra against the royalists. The article presents how the crisis was sending convulsions across the country and influencing foreign policy and international situation of Thailand. The author describes last months in office of the caretaker prime minister Ms Yingluck Shinawatra (youngest sister of Thaksin) when she faced charges of negligence and malfeasance for her role in approving a rice – pledging scheme, when the government purchased rice from farmers at inflated prices in a move to be permanently in power. The author presents also the dramatic days, when army general Prayuth Chan-ocha declared martial law in a move to quell escalating unrest. In the article the role of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej is shortly presented as well as enigmatic behaviour of successor – his only son Maha Vajiralongkorn. In the second part of the article the author presents reforms and policy of new prime minister general Prayuth, his promise about an election time frame. The article describes also the foreign policy of military government, and the role of Thailand in the growing competition between the big powers in the region of South East Asia, especially the United States and Japan against China.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2018, XXI; 98-109
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Lee Kuan Yew – wizjoner niezwykły
    Lee Kuan Yew – a phenomenal visionary
    Autorzy:
    Burski, Ksawery
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441472.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Singapur
    Lee Kuan Yew
    polityka zagraniczna Sin-gapuru
    globalizacja
    polityka światowa
    Opis:
    The article presents the profile of Lee Kuan Yew – the founding father of modern Singapore and its prime minister from 1959 to 1990. The author outlines Lee’s background and the perspective on a changing region and on the global political economy. He presents the key insights and opinions of that grand strategist and visionary on geopolitics of East and West, globalization, economic growth, and democracy. The article offers Lee Kuan Yew’s assessment of the United States’ position as the world’s superpower, of the China’s future, India’s future, Islamic terrorism. It presents Lee’s strategic advice for dealing with China.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2018, XXI; 75-84
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polityka zagraniczna ChRL wobec Azji Centralnej i udział Chin w Szanghajskiej Organizacji Współpracy
    China’s policy towards Central Asia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
    Autorzy:
    Milewski, Paweł
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2025991.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2003-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    At the beginning of the 21st century the Chinese leaders considered Central Asia a region of vital importance. When China emerged again as one of the “key players” in the world, Central Asia become one of its priorities in foreign policy. China aims at re-establishing of its historic ties with this region exercising a more flexible, co-operative and restrained policy towards the Western neighbours. China’s engagement in Central Asia, and in the process of the creation the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as its strengthening, constitute an important part of Beijing’s diplomacy. Today Chin’s overall diplomatic strategy has two aims: 1) the creation of an international environment favourable to its economic development, in particular around the borders, and 2) fostering a widely accepted Chinese regional leadership. China’s policy towards Central Asia has more specific objectives: to legitimise its positions on major international principles and issues; to strengthen its relations with Russia; and to counterpoise the United States. In addition to these one can enumerate several other, more practical objectives. First of all, China wants to prevent any political changes in the region that could disturb her stable and peaceful internal development. Her presence in Central Asia aims at maintaining stability on her 7,000 km borders with the neighbours. The co-operation with other SCO members offers a suitable framework for the common struggle against terrorist organisations and radical Islamic movements in the region. Such actions are intended, in particular, to weaken or eliminate the political and logistic bases of support for separatist Uyghur movements in the Xinjiang province. China is ready to assist the Central Asian republics in their efforts of confronting their domestic security challenges, including terrorism, separatism, religious extremism and drug trafficking which also threat China itself. Being the world’s number two primary energy consumer, and developing so fast, China must take care of her increasing energy demands. Central Asia, rich in such natural resources, is of crucial importance in this respect. The petroleum and gas supply from Central Asia is also important from a strategic point of view. The diversification of the foreign sources of energy is seen as a crucial factor in the Chinese economic policy. The co-operation within the SCO has to serve this objective as well. In the foreseeable future China will continue to promote its interests in Central Asia. Various obstacles on this way will not halt its efforts, in particular as the long term interests are concerned. China is committed to steadily expanding its presence in Central Asia and the SCO’s will serve as a main regional entry port for its multilateral policy in the region.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2003, VI; 119-134
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polska polityka zagraniczna wobec Azji i Pacyfiku po 1989 roku
    Poland’s Foreign Policy towards Asia and Pacific after the Turning Point of the Year 1989
    Autorzy:
    Szumski, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2021290.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2013-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    Relations between Poland and Asia/Pacific have undergone a substantial change in the last two decades. Following deep political transformations in the years 1989–1993, Poland started a new chapter in its foreign policy. However, attention of its political elite was focused both on European affairs and Poland’s neighbouring countries, especially on the complicated relations with Germany and on the dramatic struggle for withdrawal of the Soviet, and, subsequently, Russian military forces from the Polish territory. Despite all the above mentioned difficult tasks Polish diplomacy had to face at the time, they also successfully developed and advanced relations with the Asia/Pacific region making the most of Poland’s recently regained independence from the communist camp. In the following years, the policy of Poland towards the Asia/Pacific region was overshadowed and strongly linked to (and influenced by) historical challenges, such as becoming the member of both the NATO and the European Union. In this period, the character and intensity of Polish relations with the Asia/ Pacific region have also depended on the major events in the world’s recent history, such as the accession of China to the WTO, two Iraqi wars, and, more recently, American ‘pivot’ to Asia. Finally, the author arrives at conclusions concerning the policy towards Asia/Pacific and presents recommendations for more efficient initiatives and stronger links with the region.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2013, XVI; 9-37
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Założenia i kierunki polityki zagranicznej Japonii
    Foundations and trends in Japan’s foreign policy
    Autorzy:
    Góralski, Władysław
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2078121.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1998-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    polityka zagraniczna Japonii
    stosunki japońsko-amerykańskie
    Japan’s foreign policy
    Japan’s relation with the United States
    Opis:
    The author concentrates on economic conditions of Japan’s foreign policy. The lack of own raw materials requires effort for steady sources of supply. Another important problem is marketing outlets. Asymmetry between sources and imports and directions of exports leads to almost permanent frictions with highly developed countries, Japan has surplus with. Japan’s foreign policy is based on its alliance with the US, which is accompanied by developed relations in nearly all domains. Japan maintains the most extensive relations with the countries of East and South-East Asia. Geographical proximity and economic complementarity are favorable factors. Although conflict of interests appear also here, they are settled without major problems. History is sometimes an embittering factor. It concerns Korea, China, Vietnam and even Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines. Japan’s relations with the Western European countries are maintained at a modest, but steady level. Central and Eastern Europe still occupies a modest place in Japan’s policy, although the latter provides relatively large support for cultural, scientific and technological cooperation. Japan - Russia relations are limited. The main obstacle was and still is a dispute over the Kurile Islands, which were occupied by the Soviet Union in the final stage of the World War Two. While declaring their willingness to settle the problem, both sides maintain their positions, which makes it difficult to actuate of their political and economic cooperation.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 1998, I; 101-130
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polityka zagraniczna Wietnamu w okresie „odnowy” (doi moi): źródła i ewolucja
    Vietnam’s foreign policy in the doi moi period: its origins and evolution, 1986–2000
    Autorzy:
    Tuan, Ta Minh
    Balcerek, Ewa
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2028937.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2002-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    It is a summary of author’s Ph. D. thesis in political sciences prepared and presented at the Center of East Asian Studies, Institute of Political Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences, in April 2002. The author, a young Vietnamese scholar, analyses two fundamental questions: what the origins of Vietnam’s new foreign policy are and how it evolved from 1986 to 2000. At the beginning the author presents a general outline of Vietnam’s foreign policy after the reunification of the country, from 1976 to 1986. As he indicates, the military intervention in Cambodia and the short border war with China drained Vietnam’s scarce resources, material and human. The co-operation with Moscow became a cornerstone of its policy, but this resulted in a growing isolation of Vietnam, in particular in Asia. There were two main factors leading to the political shift in 1986. The first constituted a turbulent domestic situation that resulted from a serious social and economic crisis. The inflation rocketed, and reached 774.7% in 1986. People’s living standard sharply declined and thousands of workers lost their jobs, whereas tens of thousands of teachers and other state employees gave up their profession. First dissidents emerged in the party circles, etc. The second factor constituted dramatic political and economic changes in the world, in particular the growing political crisis in the Soviet bloc, the reforms in China, economic successes of ASEAN countries, etc. Vietnam found itself in a “political vacuum” and faced a risk of an almost total international isolation, whereas the hopes for a “fraternal help” almost disappeared. Under such circumstances the doi moi policy was initiated at the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party. It declared the need of an emphasis on economic development and allowed the development of free market and private initiatives. Vietnam also modified its foreign policy, initiated “opening” to the outside world and diversification of its foreign relations. It was declared that the over-riding task in foreign relations was maintenance of peace and establishing of friendship and cooperation with other countries in order to create a favourable international environment for “the socialist construction and the defence of the homeland”. In practice, this meant the normalisation of relations with China and with the ASEAN countries, improvement of relations with the Western powers and with “friendly countries”, and integration of Vietnam into regional and world organisations such as AFTA, APEC, and WTO. The improvement in relations with neighbouring countries was considered the most important and urgent task. So, Vietnam put an end to its involvement in Cambodia, and this facilitated warming up the Sino-Vietnamese relations, although the two sides repeatedly declared that there should be no return to the close alliance of the 1950’s and the 1960’s. This resulted in the development of economic ties with China. Annual average increase in bilateral trade reached the level of 20%, and in 2000 it amounted to almost US$ 3 billion. Although PRC’s role in foreign investments is insignificant, the investments of Greater China accounted for 22.8% of the total FDI in the period 1988–1997 (the Taiwanese investments constitute the largest part). There remained, however, the two unsolved problems: of the ethnic Chinese who fl ed to China at the end of the 1970’s and now intend to return, and the borders on the South China Sea. The ASEAN states are no less important. From 1988 to 1998 their investments in Vietnam amounted to almost 30% of Vietnam’s total FDI. The author also analyses Vietnam’s relations with other major powers, with the USA, EU, Russia, and Japan. The author concludes that since 1986 Vietnam’s foreign policy underwent profound transformations: 1) the strategy of peaceful co-operation was adopted and that of the “revolutionary war against imperialism” abandoned; 2) the significance of the ideological factor was reduced and a pragmatic course introduced instead; 3) a new concept of a “comprehensive security” was introduced that put an emphasis on the economic security and peaceful means; 4) economic issues became crucial for foreign policy in general. This new policy produced remarkable results and contributed significantly to the success of the doi moi policy. Now Vietnam is a respectable member of the international community, maintains good relations with all neighbours and with the great powers. It has diplomatic relations with 167 states. Vietnam’s foreign trade turnover of 2000 was 7 times higher than that of 1991. From 1988 to 2000 the total registered operational capital of FDI reached US$ 36.3 billion. By October 2000 Vietnam signed agreements on receiving US$ 12.41 billion in ODA. Average annual GDP growth from 1991 to 2000 was 7.58%. Once beset with serious scarcity of consumer goods, now Vietnam produces enough to meet the essential needs of the population and of its economy. The full normalisation of the relations with the overseas Vietnamese community was also achieved and this community plays an increasing role in the development of the country. Notwithstanding such great achievements, some experts indicate certain weak points in Vietnam’s foreign policy: “shallowness” of its foreign relations, a need of a new “strategic vision” and of a “more scientific way of thinking”. The author concludes that at this moment the Vietnamese leaders, as it appears, not to intend to introduce major political changes, but prefer to maintain stability, to press ahead with economic development.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2002, V; 51-62
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polityka zagraniczna Socjalistycznej Republiki Wietnamu w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. Stan obecny i perspektywy
    Foreign policy of Vietnam n the first decade of the 21st century. The present situation and the perspectives for the future
    Autorzy:
    Karwowski, Mariusz
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2022540.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2009-12-31
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Opis:
    As a result of the decades of reforms (doi moi) internal conditions as well as international position of Vietnam have changed diametrically. Inside the country, the basis of market-oriented economy allowed to lift Vietnamese economy out of crisis and assured its further, dynamic development. This process was supported signifi cantly by implementation of the foreign policy based on peace and multilateral cooperation. It was made possible by the fact that changes in both internal and external conditions at the turn of the 20th have created different opportunities and threats for Vietnam from those experienced at the beginning of doi moi. In response to the new challenges, Vietnamese administration revised the strategy of development, especially in the fi eld of foreign policy. The 9th Congress of CPV in April of 2001 approved the new doctrine of Vietnamese foreign policy. As the earlier doctrine, which had been in effect since 1991, it maintained all fundamental principles, such as multilateral cooperation, independence and special importance of economic relations. It was supplemented, however, by the new elements: the principles of non-intervention in domestic policy and proactive engagement in international economic integration on the regional (ASEAN) and global (WTO) levels. The document approved during the 9th Congress resolved one of signifi cant dilemmas of Vietnamese government concerning attitude towards the international processes of integration and the place and role of Vietnam in the developing structures. Positive trends in Vietnamese economy after 2001 and optimistic forecasts for the future indicate that changes implemented in foreign policy have brought good effects. International position of Vietnam has also strengthened. SRV is a member and active participant of ASEAN and WTO, the ties with China are getting closer (despite disputable issues), strategic partnerships with Russia, the United States, Japan, India and the European Union are developing.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2009, XII; 100-114
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    AIIB i NDB – fundamenty geopolitycznej strategii Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej
    AIIB and NDB – the foundations of the geopolitical strategy of the People’s Republic of China
    Autorzy:
    Smogorzewski, Kamil
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441416.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    Polityka zagraniczna Chin
    gospodarka chińska
    azjatycki bank inwestycji infrastrukturalnych
    foreign policy of China
    Chinese economy
    Asian Infrastructural Investment Bank
    Opis:
    The end of the second decade of the 20th century, as predicted by many commentators of world political stage will be also the beginning of end of a global governance, formed after the end of the Cold War. In recent years, as demonstrated by the 2007/2008 financial crisis, Washington no longer has tools powerful enough to unanimously design economic architecture of the world. In 2015, for the first time since 19th century, the indisputable dominance of the US in economic sphere has been upset – Beijing managed to come out on first place in terms of GDP (PPPs). The time of Chinese prosperity based on cheap production and export of cheap goods is coming to an end. To ensure further dynamic development, it will be necessary to gain control over the continental trade. At least until the end of US sea domination. For this to happen, further weakening of the position of Washington, by gradually taking control over global fi nancial and foreign exchange market will be necessary. The article is to verify the hypothesis, according to which People’s Republic of China using two strategic institutions – the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB) can achieve economic dominance overland. It was necessary to define the basic presuppositions: there will be no open armed conflict on a global scale over several consecutive years; there will be no political crisis in China; United States won’t give up the domination of the sea trade routes; there will be no reorientation of US foreign policy in a way that could undermine the existing institutional frameworks in the financial and economic sphere.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2017, XX; 82-97
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wietnam – ewolucja sytuacji regionalnej i stosunki z mocarstwami. W cieniu sporu na Morzu Południowochińskim
    Vietnam – evolution of the situation in the region and its relations with the powers. In the shadow of the dispute in South China Sea
    Autorzy:
    Pietrasiak, Małgorzata
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/441460.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2018
    Wydawca:
    Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek
    Tematy:
    wietnamska polityka zagraniczna
    rola Wietnamu w regionie
    rola mocarstw w Azji Południowo-Wschodniej
    Vietnamese foreign policy
    Role of Vietnam in the region
    role of powers in Southeast Asia
    Opis:
    Introduction of Doi Moi economic reforms at the 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam was successful owing to the changes in the field of the foreign policy. The main rationale in this policy was multilateralization and improvement and intensification of the economic cooperation and political ties with the great powers. The political attention has continued to be focused on the East Asia region, primarily on the ASEAN. In this scheme Vietnam plays proactive role. Countries from the region remain the biggest source of investments, being directly interested in maintaining regional stability and multilayered cooperation. Regardless of the ability to accomplish political goals, Vietnam seeks to enhance its position through the cooperation with the major regional economies. However, the policy of being a friend of all countries has its limitations. The most pertaining among them is the South China Sea dispute which induces Vietnam’s greatest diplomatic effort vis-a-vis China. However, in the practical terms, even the verdict of the Hague Tribunal stating that China cannot claim the disputed islands on the basis of the historical arguments did not contribute to any important change in the matter. Although the verdict meets the Vietnamese expectations, yet it did not spark enthusiasm within all of the Vietnam’s allies, including Russia and Australia. For all these states and Vietnam itself, China is an important political and economic partner. To sharpen relations with China would not be a desired solution for any of these states. Thus, one may consider the South China Sea as a problem to be solved between the United States and China, around which more or less voiced sympathies of the regional players are being focused. In its endeavour Vietnam is backed by the United States, although the American and Vietnamese interests are not always confluent. Growth of pro-American sympathies is evident in the social surveys. However, Vietnam’s other regional partners and experts in regional security are rather reserved as to the political intentions of the United States. Notwithstanding those determinants and complex network of relationships, the dispute constitutes a great threat to the regional security.
    Źródło:
    Azja-Pacyfik; 2017, XX; 162-175
    1643-692X
    Pojawia się w:
    Azja-Pacyfik
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
      Wyświetlanie 1-10 z 10

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