Temat: przestępczość przeciwko mieniu - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Crime and environment. Analysis of facilities as crime risk factors in Niš, Serbia
Przestępczość i środowisko: Analiza obiektów jako czynników ryzyka przestępczości w Niszu w Serbii
Autorzy:: Stanković, Dušan
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375370.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2021-02-02
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: crime
environmental facilities
property and violent crime
spatial analysis
risk factors
przestępczość
urządzenia środowiskowe
przestępczość przeciwko mieniu
przestępstwa z użyciem przemocy
analiza przestrzenna
Opis:: This study aimed to examine the relationship between environmental facilities as risk factors and crime. Police data of property and violent criminal offences registered during 2018 in the city of Niš, Republic of Serbia, has been geocoded. Grid cells of 100 by 100 meters were designed as spatial units for the analysis, and geoinformation data of 12 different facilities were extracted from GIS. The negative binomial regression model was constructed to investigate crime risky facilities. The crime is mostly related to facilities as banks and exchange offices, bus stops, gyms and recreational centers. On the other hand, cafes, nightclubs, and big shopping centers were not significantly associated with crime. Finally, limitations, practical and theoretical usage of the research are discussed.
This study aimed to examine the relationship between environmental facilities as risk factors and crime. Police data of property and violent criminal offences registered during 2018 in the city of Niš, Republic of Serbia, has been geocoded. Grid cells of 100 by 100 meters were designed as spatial units for the analysis, and geoinformation data of 12 different facilities were extracted from GIS. The negative binomial regression model was constructed to investigate crime risky facilities. The crime is mostly related to facilities as banks and exchange offices, bus stops, gyms and recreational centers. On the other hand, cafes, nightclubs, and big shopping centers were not significantly associated with crime. Finally, limitations, practical and theoretical usage of the research are discussed. Prezentowane badanie ma na celu analizę relacji przestrzeni i obiektów w niej rozmieszczonych oraz przestępczości. W analizach wykorzystano dane policyjne o przestępczości zarejestrowanej w 2018 roku – czynach przeciwko mieniu i z użyciem przemocy popełnionych w mieście Niš w Serbii. Dane te zostały poddane geokodowaniu, względem miejsc zdarzeń przestępczych. Jednostką przestrzenną była komórka siatki o wymiarach 100 na 100 metrów. Dane geoinformacyjne o 12 rodzajach obiektów uzyskano za pomocą oprogramowania GIS. Celem zbadania związku między wybranymi obiektami a przestępczością wykorzystano model regresji dwumianowej. Wyniki przeprowadzonych analiz pokazały, że przestępczość występuje najczęściej w przestrzeniach, w których mieszczą się banki, kantory, znajdują się w niej przystanki autobusowe, restauracje, siłownie czy ośrodki rekreacyjne. Nieistotny statystycznie z kolei okazał się związek między występowaniem przestępczości a rozmieszczeniem takich obiektów jak: kawiarnie, kluby nocne czy duże centra handlowe. W artykule zostały omówione także ograniczenia oraz praktyczne i teoretyczne możliwości zastosowania przeprowadzonych analiz.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/2; 49-65
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Przestępczość w Polsce w latach 1954-1958 w świetle statystyki milicyjnej
Delinquency in Poland in the years 1954 to 1958 in the light of police statistics
Autorzy:: Jasiński, Jerzy
Syzduł, Edward
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699138.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1960
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępczość
struktura przestępczości
statystyka
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
przestępstwa przeciwko życiu i zdrowiu
wypadki komunikacyjne
samobójstwa
prostytucja
delinquency
structure of delinquency
police statistics
offences against property
offences against life and health
road accidents
suicides
prostitution
delinquency in Poland
Opis:: From the years 1945-1946 down to the present moment Polish police statistics have undergone a number of transformations and improvements concerning the collection of data, their elaboration, as well as the scope of the information collected. Judging on the basis of data coming from the years 1956-1957, about 90 per cent of the criminal cases made over to the law-courts with an indictment went through the hands of the police. The majority of the remaining 10 per cent of cases were dealt with direct by the Public Prosecutor’s Office (cases for a great variety of serious offences) or else by certain administrative organs (cases of minor forest thefts, tax offences, minor frauds in commerce, and a few others). In this way, police statistics may be considered as a source which makes it possible to form a relatively full picture of the offences brought to light in Poland. Certain transformations have also been undergone by the problem of the statistical unit accepted by police statistics. While previously (down to 1956-1957) such a unit was a criminal case (which might comprise a larger number of them), at present such a unit, in principle, consist of one offence. By offences, in police statistics, are understood felonies or misdemeanors, i.e. acts dealt with by the 1932 Criminal Code, still in force, or by special penal statutes, and for which the penalty is over three months custody or a fine of over 4500 zlotys. The statistical material contained in the present contribution has not been published so far, apart from the basic information provided by the Statistical Year-Books for the years 1956, 1957, and 1958. The number of the population of Poland increased from about 27 000 000 to 29 000 000 during the 1954 to 1958 period, while the number of city and town dwellers increased from about 11 300 000 to 13 500 000, and that of village dwellers decreased from 15 700 000 to 15 500 000 in the same period. In the course of the above-mentioned period, therefore, the number of offences known to the police increased by 35 per cent, but the rate of delinquency, in connection with a certain increase in the total number of the population, increased only by 27 per cent. In the period preceding the Second World War, in the years 1927 to 1937, the number of offences brought to light every year was considerably larger (in 1934 as many as 658 thousand were registered, and in the years 1935 to 1937 nearly 600 thousand per annum); the rate of delinquency was expressed by the following coefficients: in 1934 - 2000, in 1935 - 1770, in 1936 - 1760, and in 1937 - 1710. The magnitude of delinquency in the years 1954 to 1958 differed considerably as between the territories of the several voivodeships. The highest rate of delinquency could be observed in the voivodeships of the Western Territories, with the exception of the voivodeship of Opole (in the several years of the period under investigation coefficients oscillated between 1450 and 2130), in the two largest cities: Warsaw (2470 b 2760) and Łódź (1590 to 1970), as well as in the most highly industrialized and urbanized region of the country' formed by the voivodeship of Katowice (1400 to 1680). Nearly one-third of all the offences known to the police were committed on the territory of a mere three voivodeships (those of Katowice, Wrocław, and the City of Warsaw), which contain rather over one-fifth of the country's population. The offences brought to tight by the police have been divided into four groups according to their kind: group I consists of offences against property, group II - of economic offences, group III – of offences against life and health, and group IV – of all the other offences. Offences against property, which comprise the accaparation of social property, thefts of individual property, robberies, frauds, forgeries, and damage to property, in 1954 and 1955 constituted about 70 per cent of all the offences brought to light (the number of such offences known to the police in these years was 214 470 and 238 911 respectively), in 1956 and 1957 about 65 per cent (241 543 and 261 621 offences respectively), and in 1958 about 60 per cent (251 788 offences). Their rate, in the years 1954 to 1958, was expressed by the figure of from 780 to 920 offences per 100 000 of the population. In the 1954 to 1958 period, approximately 91 000 to 124 000 offences of accaparating social property were brought to light annually, while their number kept continually increasing down to 1957; in 1958 about 117 000 of them were made known to the police. It is a generally known and emphasized fact that the size of the obscure figure is particularly big with offences against property. It is to be presumed that this obscure figure is most conspicuous in the case of offences against social property. Among the offences against social property between 11 000 and 15 000 were burglaries. Out of a total of 11 989 of such offenses brought to light in 1958, 24 per cent were committed in the country (so that there were 188 of them for each 100 000 village dwellers), and 76 per cent - in the cities and towns (there were 679 of them per 100 000 of the population). According to the size of the cities and towns, the coefficients which depict the number of burglaries per 100 000 of the population assumed the following proportions: towns of up to 50 thousand inhabitants - 622, from 50 to 100 thousand inhabitants - 651, 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 676, and over 200 thousand inhabitants - 810. During the 1954 to 1958 period an approximate annual figure of from 111 000 to 131 000 thefts of individual property was known to the police, but as from 1955 their number diminished from year to year reaching the figure of 112 883 in 1958. Of the latter offences, 31 per cent were committed in the country (coefficient: 230), and 69 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient:580). In the case of theft of individual property there was also a dependence between the size of the towns and the rate of such offences: in towns with a population below 50 thousand it was expressed by a coefficient of 470, in towns of between 50 and 100 thousand inhabitants - 720, from 100 to 200 thousand inhabitants - 620, over 200 thousand inhabitants - 750. Thefts of individual property with burglary amounted to 11 577 in 1958 (and their number has kept decreasing from year to year, starting from 1955, when 18 455 of them were known to the police. 13 per cent of them have been committed in the country (coefficient 154), and 87 per cent in the cities and towns (coefficient 689). According to the size of the towns, going from the smallest to the largest, the coefficients showing the rate of such offences were expressed in the following figures in 1958: 397, 918, 929 and 1067. If we count together the accaparation of social property and thefts of individual property and treat them jointly as thefts, it would appear that in the years 1954 to 1958 from 200 000 to 245 000 such offences were made known to the police every year; their rate was expressed by the figure of from 750 to 860 per 100 000 of the population. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 3000 to 4000 forgeries were known to the police every year; their number has tremendously increased in 1958, reaching the very figure of 6300 (i.e. 217 per 100 000 of the population). The number of robberies brought to light by the police amounted to 2066 in 1954 (coefficient:76), 2503 in 1955 (coefficient: 91), 2905 in 1956 (coefficient: 103), 3185 in 1957 (coefficient: 112), and 2503 in 1958 (coefficient: 89). The decrease in the number of such offences recorded in 1958 is estimated as connected with a real decrease in their number. Of the total of robberies known to the police in 1958, 35 per cent were committed in the country (thus there were 46 of them per 100 000 of the population), and 65 in the cities and towns (138 per 100 000 of the urban population). According to the size of the towns (from the smallest to the largest) the coefficients depicting the rate of robberies committed there looked as follows: 85, 141, 194, 213. The number of cases of receiving stolen goods has considerably increased within the 1954 to 1958 period, from 816 in 1954 (coefficient: 32), to 1880 in 1958 (coefficient: 65). Group Two of offences, described by the name of economic offences, has been made to include cases of speculation, corruption and neglect of duty by civil servants resulting in damage to the State economy, further, Treasury offences, and currency offences. In the years 1954 to 1957 from 36 000 to 40 000 such offences were known to the police every year; in 1958 their number has considerably increased, probably in connection with a greater diligence in prosecuting them, and amounted to as many as 53 579 (coefficient: 190). Group Three - that of offences against life and health - comprises: murder and manslaughter, infanticides, inflicting grievous injury to the body, and brawls. The total number of such offences has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958, namely from 18 583 in 1954 (coefficient: 70) to 28 910 in 1958 (coefficient: 100), i.e. by about 60 per cent. Their share among all the offences recorded by the police has increased from 13 per cent in 1954 to 21 per cent in 1958. In the years 1954 to 1958 from 700 to 900 murders and manslaughters were recorded annually; in 1958 803 of them were known to the police, of which 620 were carried out and 183 attempted. Consequently there were 28 such offences per 100 000 of the population that year. In 1937 3 314 murders and manslaughters were recorded, i.e. 96 per 100 000 of the population. The number of infanticides recorded by the police did not go beyond the figure of 90 per year (in 1958 there were 75 such cases). In 1937 802 infanticides were brought to light. The number of recorded cases of inflicting grievous injury to the body and of participation in a brawl (with using a dangerous tool or else if death or grievous injury to the body were the result) has very considerably increased in the years 1954 to 1958 from 5 508 in 1954 (coefficient: 204) to 10 005 in 1958 (coefficient: 346). In 1954 6146 cases of inflicting serious or very serious injury to the body were known to the police (coefficient: 227), in 1958 – 8 350 (coefficient: 289). In 1954 6123 cases of inflicting slight bodily harm were record ed (coefficient: 227), and in 1958 _ 9677 (coefficient: 335). Of the offences included in Group Four particularly noteworthy are the offences against morality. In 1958 969 cases of rape were recorded; 901 cases of immoral acts with juveniles under 15 years of age, and 290 cases of abetting to prostitution and deriving profits therefrom. In the Polish text, the present contribution is supplemented with an annex which provides the more important items of the information collected by the police concerning road accidents, suicides, and prostitution.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 7-53
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Neutralizacja normy „nie kradnij” w genezie przestępczości nieletnich
Neutralization of the Rule „DO NOT STEAL” in the Origin of Juvenile Delinquency
Autorzy:: Stańdo-Kawecka, Barbara
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699040.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1994
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: neutralizacja
normy
przestępczość nieletnich
zachowania przestępcze
badania kryminologiczne
przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu
zakład poprawczy
neutralization
rule
juvenile delinquency
delinquent behavior
criminological research
crimes against property
youth detention center
Opis:: The paper discusses the findings of a study aimed at an empirical verification of a well-known criminological concept: the Sykes and Matza concept of neutralization techniques from the classical trend of positivist criminology. What Sykes and Matza see as the factor of juvenile delinquency are mechanisms of justification of one’s own delinquent behavior. Reverting to functionalim, the authors assume a social consensus on the basic values and norms of behavior. Juvenile delinquents generally recognize the same values and norms as non-delinquent youth but, unlike that youth, they grow proficient in neutralizing those norms so as to prevent them from influencing their behavior. According to Sykes and Matza, norms are neutralized through finding and accepting justifications for one’s own deviant behavior. Five types of such neutralization techniques heve been distinguished according to the contents of those justifications: denial of responsibility, denial of injury, denial of the victim, condemnation of the condemners, and appeal to higher loyalties. In their conception of neutralization techniques, G.M. Sykes and D. Matza mainly describe and classify the ways of excusing one’s own deviant behavior and provide but a perfunctory discussion of the mechanizm of neutralization itself. L. Festinger’s theory of cognitive dissonance proves useful in explaining the psychological mechanizm of neutralization of recognized norms. Assumptions of the conception of neutralization techniques and the theory of cognitive dissonance provided the grounds for hypotheses which were subsequently submitted to empirical verification. The subject was limited to neutralization of the rule “do not steal” interpreted as a ban appropriation on theft and a rule of respect for another person’s property. Criminologists have long questioned the desing of empirical study where achool youth are treated as non-delinquent and examined as a control group oppesed to juvenile delinquents in houses of correction or educational institutions. In the present study, three groups were examined: ‒ juvenile delinquents confined to a reformatory or home for detained juveniles by a judicial decision as perpetrators of offences against property (84 persons); ‒ school youth not involved in acts against another person’s property, called non-delinquent youth (70 persons); ‒ school youth involved in acts againts another person’s property, called actually delinquent (37 persons); The groups of “non-delinquent” and “actually delinquent” persons were distinguished from school youth by means of a self-report survey. Of the original hypotheses, only one was confirmed by the findings. The exemined groups appeared to differ significantly in their approval of the techniques of neutralization of the norm of honesty, the differences trending as expected. The lowest approval of statements expressing various excuses for breaches of another person’s property was found among the non-delinquent youth. The group that most often approves ot such excuses are wards of reformatories and juvenile homes; however, they do not differ much in this respect from the actually delinquent youth. All of the examined groups have similar priorities as to the separate types of excuses. The type accepted most often is “condemnation of the condemners”. In particular, a statement that “the police and judges are corruptible and malicious”enjoys great popularity. The types accepted least often, instead, are excuses consisting in “denial of injury” and “appeal to higher loyalties”. What could not be conformed are hypotheses as to absence of differences between the groups with respect to appraisal of one’s own honesty and acceptance of the rule “do not steal”. Non -delinquent youth appraise themselves much higher in terms of honesty than the remaining two groups. Wards of reformatories and juvenile homes, instead, appraise themselves somewhat lower than the actually delinquent youth. The non-delinquent youth show the strongest acceptance of the norm of honesty. The degree of acceptance of that norm among wards of reformatories is similar to that among actual delinquents, the former showing a somewhat stronger acceptance of the rule “do not steal” than the actually delinquent group. Another hypothesis that was not confirmed concerned a tendency to neutralize the rule “do not steal” once it has been violated; the method used here was projection where the respondents were to complete unfinished stories. Against expectations, the tendency to neutralize that norm once it has been violated appeared to occur much more often among school youth than among wards of reformatories and juvenile homes. Of the various methods of reducing the anxiety resulting from a breach of another person’s property, both groups of school youth most often suggested neutralization of the norm of honesty. Wards of institutions, instead, much more often mentioned methods other than neutralization of the violated norm: e.g., focus on the derived or potential profit, or focus on the absence of threat with any negative consequences from without. The study questioned the role of delinquent neutralizations as conceived by Sykes and Matza in the origin of juvenile delinquency. Unforfunately, the findings could not be interpreted explicitly. According to the theoretical assumptions made, a number of possible explanations of the findings can be suggested which at least party exclude one another. A new empirical study would be necessary to verify those explanations.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 21-51
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Młodociani sprawcy przestępstw przeciwko mieniu
Young Adult Perpetrators of Offences Against Property
Autorzy:: Paszkowska, Hanna
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699058.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1982
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przestępstwo
młodociani
przestępca młodociany
przestępczość
nieletniość
recydywiści
środowisko rodzinne
spożywanie alkoholu
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
offense
juvenile
juvenile offender
criminality
nonage
recidivists
family environment
alcohol consumption
crime against property
Opis:: The new Polish penal legislation of 1969 introduced special rules of criminal liability of young adult offenders' aged 17-20. In 1972 criminological research was undertaken in order to characterize this group of offenders, i.e., its most numerous category - those found guilty of offences against property. The research ended in 1975. In 1980 a follow-up of convictions of the persons, under observation was carried out. The object of the study of young adults found guilty of offences against property was to analyse the psycho-social factors connected with their social maladjustment and demoralization, particularly their family and school environment, personality, extent of drinking and offending. It was also the object of the study to compare two groups of young adult towards whom different measures had been adjudicated. As the most typical offences of young adults are those against property, a group of young adults convicted for this very type of offences was included in the study. There were 100 persons under examination who had been sentenced to immediate imprisonment. This group consisted of all prisoners of two Warsaw prisons in the years 1973-75 (group A). The group of young adults (group B) consisted of 100 persons conviced in 1973 for offences against property and sentenced to fine, limitation of freedom, imprisonment with suspension of execution, or educational-corrective measures. The two groups of convicted persons that were selected for the study, different as regards the adjudicated and executed measures, were compared in many respects in order to ascertain the distinctions between them as regards the degree of intensity of the process of social maladjustment which had been related to the application of various penal measures. Empirical research consisted in gathering detailed information on the persons under scrutiny concerning their previous convictions, their school career and the course of work. Also interviews were carried out with them and separately with their mothers, by means of a detailed questionnaire. Three psychological tests were also employed towards each person, that is Raven’s intelligence test, Eysenck’s questionnaire to measure extroversion and neurotism and Buss-Durkee inventory to measure aggression. 3.1. Offences against property constituted the criterion for selection to the study. The most numerous group were convictions for larceny qualified as “stealing in a particularly audacious manner or by a breaking and entering” (Art. 208 of the Penal Code), though the “audacious theft” was extremely rare as compared with the second choice. 64% of the persons of group A had been convicted for offences described in this article, the percentage as regards group B being 35%. Many persons also committed thefts of social property, while the receiving of stolen goods was the least frequent. Generally, the persons of group A had been active for a longer time than those of group B, and their offences were more frequently qualified as continuous. It should also be emphasized that the mean value of the objects stolen by the persons of group B was considerably lower than it was the case with the young adults of group A. It also happened (16% of cases) that the act of the young adults of group B ended as a mere attempt at committing an offence. To sum up, the offences against property committed by the persons, sentenced to immediate imprisonment were more serious than those committed by the young adults towards whom other measures had been adjudicated. 3.2. 69% of the persons of group A had cases in juvenile courts, while as many as 84% admitted having committed offences, mostly thefts, at that age. On the other hand, 44% of the persons of group B had committed offences for which they were brought to court as juveniles. The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.00l). The origins of delinquency dating back from before the age of 13 were found in as many as 23 persons of group A and 10 persons of group B. The earlier they started to commit offences and had their first case in juvenile court, the more numerous were their subsequent convictions in that period. The mean number of convictions in juvenile court was 2,2 in group A and 1,6 in group B. The structure of delinquency of the persons under examination is hardly differentiated: they committed first of all offences against property (85.7%), mostly larceny. The juvenile court, had employed such measures as admonition and charge of parents in the case of persons of group B considerably more frequently than towards those of group A (25% and 8.7% respectively). On the other hand, the persons of group A had been much more frequently sent to children’s homes and to corrective schools (44.9%) than those of group B (25%). 3.3. In the period discussed below all the persons were young adults, with the mean age similar in both groups: 19 in group A and 18.9 in group B. The mean number of convictions of the persons of groups A from the age of 17 was 1.7, and in group B 1.2. Each member of group A was responsible for 3.3. offences, while in group B the mean number of offences was 2.2. It should not be forgotten that many persons, particularly those of group A, were repeatedly imprisoned in the discussed period. A considerable majority of the persons of both groups who had committed more than one offence, were convicted for offences against property only. The data quoted above illustrate the whole of delinquency of the persons under examination and recidivism among them. Taking into account both the period of minority and the later period from 17 years of age on, there were as many as 4 per every five persons of group A who had already been convicted before, and in group B nearly every second person had had a conviction previously (the difference is significant, p < 0.01). These data confirm the conclusion as to the more advanced process of demoralization of the young adults of group A as compared with group B. 49% of the persons guilty of offences against property of group A came from unbroken homes; the respective percentage in group B was 71% (difference significant, p < 0.001). Broken homes resulted mostly from the death of one parent (23% of cases in group A and 15% in group B), or from divorce (28% of cases in group A, 14% in group B). A majority of the persons came from workmen’s families (90.5% in group A, 70.7% in group B). The level of professional qualifications and education of parents of the persons examined is significantly lower (p < 0.01) in group A as compared with group B. Approximately 60% of families of the persons of group A and 67% of group B had been living in poor financial conditions, which was connected, among others, with excessive drinking of the fathers. 56.3% of fathers of the persons of group A had regularly been drinking excessively, that is drinking vodka at least twice a week. This percentage was only 26.3% in group B, it was lowered, however, as the examination of young adults of young adults of group B was carried on at home, often with the fathers themselves present. 37% of fathers in group A and 19% of those in group B had been taken to a detoxication centre, including 21% and 14% respectively taken at least three times. As in other criminological studies, in the present one young adults have not been found to live in criminal family environment. It was extremely rare that the fathers of the persons examined had criminal records. To sum up, certain negative phenomena were more frequent in the families of young adults of group A (for instance, broken home, excessive drinking of fathers). However, the cumulation of a number of negative factors could have influenced in a particulary unfarourable way the process of socialization of the persons under examination. 5.1. There were 37% of the persons of group A and 23% of those (p< 0.001) of group B with elementary education, and 18% and 5% respectively with incomplete elementary education. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). School retardation which appears more often among delinquents than among non-delinquents is connected with a lower level of education of young adults. Among the young adults of group A as few as 17% revealed no retardation, the percentage as regards group B being 46.5%. The difference is significant (p < 0.001). The retardation of the persons of group B usually amounts to one year only, while it is often 3 years or more among the persons of group A. School problems are also connected with truancy (group A - 78%, group B – 66% of the examined persons), which begins in the very first grades of elementary school. Early and regular truancy of the persons of group A was one of the symptoms of their maladjustment. Truancy is conducive to running away from home. The persons under scrutiny, particularly those of group A, had been running away from home considerably often and for longer periods. 2. Among those who were employed, every second person in group A and every fifth person in group B worked casually only. They usually took jobs requiring low professional qualifications, as only few of them had any professional training (group A-38%, group B-62%). 6.1. Raven’s test was employed to estimate the level of intelligence of the persons examined. 53.6% of young adults of group A and 31.7% of group B scored low and very low (up to 25 centile). 10.3% of group A and 29.3% of group B scored high and very high (centile 75 and more). The mean score was 35.4 in group A standard deviation: 9.87, and 41.1 in group B (standard deviation 10.09). The difference between both groups is significant (p < 0.01). Low scares on the Raven’s scale were often found among those persons whose level of education had been low, which was accompanied by a considerable school retardation. 2. To measure the level of extroversion and neurotism, Eysenck’s MPI scale was employed. The level of extroversion and neurotism among the young adult perpetrators of offences against property was not found to be higher than that of the average youth. 6.3. The level of aggressiveness was examined by means of the Buss-Durkee questionnaire. None of its scales differentiated significantly the persons of both groups. The mean total score was 61.7 (standard deviation 21.4) in group A and 61.06 (standard deviation 23.6) in group B. The data given below concern the persons of group A only, as the information obtained from those of group B as to the volume and frequency of drinking among them do not seem reliable. The analysis of statements of the subjects reveals that the percentage of teetotallers diminishes with age. The persons examined have been drinking large amounts of alcohol from their earliest years. 36% of them stated that they had drunk such quantities of various spirits at the age of 15, which converted to 40 proof vodka would amount to 2.5 litres a month. From the age of 17 on, 60% of the persons drank over 2.5 litres of 40 proof alcohol a month. They drank vodka as well as wine and beer, which leads relatively quickly to the “treshold of intoxication”. Mean yearly consumption of alcohol per 1 examined person was 34.2 litres at the age of 15, and increased sed from year to year to reach 113.7 litres yearly at the age of 19, which means that approximately 9.5 litres of 40 proof vodka were consumed monthly; this quantity goes far beyond the mean level of drinking by men at this age. 3/4 of the subjects can be recognized as excessive drinkers. A significant correlation was found between the excessive drinking among the persons under scrutiny and their early delinquency and recidivism. The highest percentage (40%) of the persons who did not drink excessively was found among those convicter once only, while the lowest (14.8%) was found among those who had 5 or more convictions. The analysis of the young adults’ information as to their , peer groups revealed that also their closest friends had been drinking excessively and often intoxicated. In February 1980, further convictions of the persons examined, then aged 25 on the average, were checked up again. As revealed by the analysis, the persons of group A (60%) still continued to commit offences and indeed many of them become multiple recidivists. The difference between the persons of groups A and B is significant (p < 0.001). 40% of the persons of group A and 67% of those of group B have not been convicted within the period of the follow-up. The majority of the persons under observation continued to commit offences against property. The courts have mainly adjudged the penalty of immediate imprisonment (group A - 92.3%, group B - 78.2%). Among those sentenced to immediate imprisonment there were in group A 57.1% sentenced to 2 years or less of imprisonment, and in group B - 93%. There was significant correlation (p < 0.01)between the convictions in juvenile courts and further convictions in the period of the follow-up. As the data reveal, group B towards which the sanctions other than immediate imprisonment were adjudicated, differed from the imprisoned group A as to the smaller extent and intensity of their offending - also during the follow-up - and their lower degree of progress in the process of social maladjustment. However, there were quite many persons in group B as well (though less than in group A), who had been convicted as juveniles; they had yet no convictions during the follow-up in a much highter percentage of cases than the subjects of group. A who had been convicted by the juvenile court previously. On the basis of the above information, criminal policy can be discussed as regards young adults found guilty of offences against property. One should not postulate a total abandonment of the penalty of immediate imprisonment, and yet, as shown by the above data, its adjudgement should be considerably limited. The limitation in question should concern first of all young adults convicted for the first time and socially demoralized to a small degree. Within the years 1970 -76 imprisonment was the measure most frequently adjudicated towards young adults. In the years 1970 - 1974 the percentage of young adults sentenced to immediate imprisonment increased regularly. It is only since 1975 that a favourable phenomenon of regular decrease of the percentage of adjudicated penalties of immediate imprisonment can be noticed, with simultaneous increase of the percentage of measures which are not connected with deprivation of liberty. As it seems, the application of immediate imprisonment towards young adults should undergo further limitations. When postulating the re-orientation of the criminal policy of the courts towards a maximum realization of the instructions of Art. 51of the Penal Code, one should also demand changes in the stage of execution of penalty. As indicated , by many studies of readaptive effectiveness of corrective schools and prisons, their influence is minimal and sometimes their resocializing activities are destructive for the convicted persons. Imprisonment causes a state of deprivation of essential physical and mental needs, destroys the ties of those convicted with their family, gives rise to socially negative patterns of prisoners’ subculture. In the present study also the offenders of group A were described, the considerable part of whom had been changing various types of institutions and prisons, first as juveniles, then as young adults, and the effects of these imprisonments were negative as measured by further convictions within the period of the follow-up. The information presented in this study concerning the family background of the persons of group A (particularly the alcoholism or excessive drinking of the fathers, which is frequent in these families), and information concerning the early and large social maladjustment of these persons, indicate a need to consider the problem of young adult perpetrators of offences against property not only in relation to the measures that should be adjudged and their execution. It is also of almost importance to consider the prevention of social maladjustment of this category of youth.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 403-445
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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