Temat: kobiet - Katalog OPAC zbiorów

Skocz do pozycji: 1.

Tytuł:: Stalking w Polsce. Rozmiary-formy-skutki. Raport z badania nt. uporczywego nękania
Stalking in Poland. Scale,forms, consequences. A report from a survey on stalking
Autorzy:: Siemaszko, Andrzej
Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Marczewski, Marek
Ostaszewski, Paweł
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698963.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2010
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: stalking
przemoc wobec kobiet
criminology
Opis:: The phenomenon of stalking had not been studied extensively and the real scale, its forms, and consequences had remained unknown. For this reason, in December 2009, the Minister of Justice requested the Institute of Justice to conduct a research concerning stalking. It was performed by TNS OBOP in December last year on a representative, random sample of households. Over 10 thousand respondents were questioned in computer assisted telephone interviews. This is ten times more than in typical public opinion polls which undoubtedly increases credibility of the results. Every tenth respondent (9,9%) appeared to have experience stalking. This is more than expected. It these results were to be extrapolated on the whole Polish population over 18 (and there are significant ground for such extrapolation as the sample was representative), it could be estimated that as much as 3 million of adult Poles have experienced stalking. In almost half of the cases, stalking happened repeatedly and 80% of victims experienced stalking within past five years. On the average, stalking lasted for less than a year, most often from a week to three months, but as much as 15% of victims were stalked for at least three years. Every fifth person declared they are still stalked at the moment. The most common methods of stalking were: spreading slander, lies and gossip (70% of responses), getting in touch with the aid of third parties (55%), threats or blackmail and “telephone persecution” (almost half of responses). Every third victim indicated also accosting or threatening family members, physical stalking (persistent following) and unwanted correspondence. It needs to be emphasised that stalking most often appeared in more than one form at a time (e.g. following – phone calls - getting in touch with the aid of third parties). As much as three quarters of victims regarded staling as serious, one third as very serious. These extremely high percentages prove that stalking is a considerable problem – almost a social one. This is confirmed by its effects declared by respondents. Almost 70% of victims experienced negative effects of stalking. More than a half reported psychological problems (depressed mood or depression, anxiety) every fourth physical ones (pains, aches, nausea, eating disorders). Because of these, 45% of the victims sought medical consultation which proves how serious the problems were. One third of the harmed declared financial or general consequences (cost of legal fees, need to change their lifestyle, change of telephone number, sometimes even change of residence). Although as expected most perpetrators were persons known by the victims (a current or ex-partner in every fourth case), a significant number of strangers needs to be reported (one quarter). Almost 40% of stalking victims asked for help, out of which only a half to prosecution organs – this is as little as 20%.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 45-80
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Postrzeganie ofiary handlu kobietami w celu prostytucji przez funkcjonariuszy organów ścigania - wyniki badań ankietowych
The Perception of Victims of Trafficking Women for Prostitution by Law Enforcement Officials – Results from Research Surveys
Autorzy:: Koss-Goryszewska, Maryla
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698616.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2015
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: ofiary
prostytucja
przemyt kobiet
victim
prostitution
trafficking women
Opis:: The subject of the following text was the image of victims of trafficking women for prostitution amongst police officers and border officers. For this purpose, surveyresearch was carried out on 114 officers from these units. Their results enabled anindication of how victims of trafficking women for prostitution are perceived amongst those surveyed. Law enforcement workers are a group that, because of the profession they do, maypotentially have the most frequent contact with human trafficking offenders. At thesame time, they are a part of society, so doubtlessly they are influenced by commonlyoccurring stereotypes and schemas. That is why it is essential to diagnose the methodsof perception of victims of human trafficking by law enforcement officers. The methodin which a victim of this crime is perceived may have a large significance, firstly for thesubjective treatment of aggrieved women, and secondly for prosecutors.The research results indicate that, in the opinion of the surveyed, victims arecharacterised above all as naive and submissive. Quite often, the respondents alsoindicated the aggrieved individuals had weak psyches, and were mindless and fearful.Excluding a few qualities characterising victims in a neutral manner, the vast majoritywere negatively coloured, putting the victim of human trafficking in a bad light. Theywere perceived as compliant, overly trusting, mentally weak and passive. On severaloccasions, answers appear in which victims were presented as greedy, devious womenwho had been lost to rapacity. In the question about the character qualities of victims,several people indicated their external appearance, which might signify a strongconnection between victims of the discussed crime and an attractive appearance. Mostlikely this is due to the fact that the researched form of human trafficking is linked withthe sexual sphere.The main source for acquiring knowledge on the subject of human traffickingwas acknowledged by the respondents as being the media as well as any training theyhad undergone. This may seem disturbing since the image of human trafficking inthe media, other than the fact it is heavily oversimplified, strongly relies on genderstereotypes which can affect perceptions and thus the way victims of human traffickingare processed. Other than this, a significant majority of police officers (84%) andborder guards (81%) had undergone training on the subject of human trafficking.Equally important is that a very small number of respondents had had in their lives anycontact with victims of human trafficking (17% of surveyed border officials and 35%of police officers). Despite this, almost everybody had deep-rooted definite beliefs todo with victims of female trafficking. Most of these convictions are therefore based onstereotypes.Amongst the respondents, there was a widespread conviction that victims of humantrafficking are predominantly women (around three quarters of all respondents). For thesurveyed, a victim of human trafficking is most often an aggrieved person forced intoprostitution – respondents said this form of crime was the most frequently occurring. A significant majority of the respondents acknowledged that the female-victim did notknow that they would be working as a prostitute. Most likely this is linked to the fact thatvictims of female trafficking are presented above all as young, inexperienced and naivegirls. This is at odds with the image of a calculating prostitute who knew the goal of herjourney. It is worth mentioning too about the distribution of answers to the questionin which surveyed police had to answer if it is more appropriate to quickly interrogatevictims or to grant them time to think. Almost 70% of those surveyed admitted theythought it more appropriate to quickly interrogate the victim. Particularly substantial were the justifications for the respondents’ choice of answers. Their analysis allows usto conclude that the respondents perceive victims of human trafficking instrumentally– above all, they see them as a tool for the effective prosecution of those committing human trafficking. This is shown by the fact they judged it important to interrogate thevictim as quickly as possible so that they could gather evidence. Some of the officersalso expressed their negative attitude to victims by accusing them of the possibility ofscheming, the susceptibility for lying or a desire for revenge on the perpetrators. Examining the research evidence suggests this is reflected in relation to the practicalconsequences of the perceptions of victims of human trafficking by law enforcementofficials as passive, naive and helpless women. Namely, these kinds of thoughts maylead to one of these victims, whose qualities fit with the commonly-held stereotypes,being identified by a law enforcement representative. Similarly, help may only be givento those people who the officers believe “really” need and deserve it (i.e. they fit theimage of a defenceless helpless “ideal” victim). Reaching law enforcement agencies andbeyond – such as the justice system – may only be achievable by those victims that fitthe stereotypes, while other people may be ignored – for example, those who had beenused for something other than sex, or older people, the active or those not physicallyattractive.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2015, XXXVII; 223-252
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Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Kobietobójstwo - kryminologiczna charakterystyka zjawiska
A Criminological Description of Femicide
Autorzy:: Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698588.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2014
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kobietobójstwo
kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
femicide
criminology
Opis:: The Polish word for “femicide”, kobietobójstwo, is a composite of two concepts and words, viz. the English word femicide and feminicidio, a term used in the Spanish-speaking world. Femicide was initially a gender-neutral term and essentially referred to the killing of any woman regardless of circumstances, i.e. it did not need to be related to the social and cultural gender role of women or be driven by misogyny or contempt for the female condition. There is an ongoing debate as to whether the term “femicide” denotes any instance of a woman being killed or whether it should be limited to cases where the perpetrator is a man and/or where being a woman is a contributing factor. As the term “femicide” was introduced into academic discourse by feminists in the 20th century, it would seem obvious that the connection between a woman’s death and her sex and status is a fundamental component of the concept of femicide in a given community. Feminists proposed the term as an alternative to the neutral “homicide”, so as to emphasize the hateful and/or misogynistic nature of certain killings of women. Femicide was meant to be an example of a hate crime. Structural inequality and the inferior social standing of women are salient factors in any analysis of the cultural phenomena and practices that can be classified as femicidal. Femicide is not so much a separate manifestation of gender-related violence as an extreme one. It is a reproductive mechanism of the oppression of women and takes the form of various practices. As with all violence against women, femicide is deeply rooted in the historically unequal relations between the sexes and the systematic discrimination against women. Femicide should therefore be defined as the killing of women because they are women, but not necessarily by men. This definition is close to the views that Rashida Manjoo, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, expressed in her report of May 2012. Manjoo enumerates femicidal practices that she refers to as “gender-related killings of women.” The list includes both intentional (direct) killings of women committed by specific perpetrators and practices that indirectly cause women to die because they are women. These practices stem from the unequal relations between men and women and the oppression of women. Femicide, then, denotes both murder and manslaughter. It could be said that in international and feminist discourse, femicide is regarded as a set of cultural practices with a common denominator around the world, viz. they all cause women to die because they are women. These practices are not limited to voluntary and involuntary killings of women, but include practices that often cause women to die because of their social and cultural conditions.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2014, XXXVI; 75-107
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 4.

Tytuł:: Prawne możliwości walki ze zjawiskiem stalkingu - czy w prawie polskim konieczna jest penalizacja prześladowania?
Fight against stalking-legal options. Is there a necessity of stalking penalization in Polish law?
Autorzy:: Woźniakowska-Fajst, Dagmara
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698484.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2009
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: stalking
przemoc wobec kobiet
polityka kryminalna
criminalization
crime prevention
Opis:: The article concerns the phenomenon of stalking, or emotional persecution. It also presents legal solutions concerning stalking in the countries where this type of behavior is penalized, and includes a discussion of the advantages and disadvantages of criminalization of stalking in Poland. In contrast with the admiration, stalking is a behavior which a victim does not wish. Stalking is an English verb denoting a quiet human or animal tracking in order to capture or kill. In accordance to the definition of an American psychologist J. Reid Meloy, stalking is a form of malicious and repeated harassing and annoying of another person which increases his or her feeling of threat. Stalking, just like domestic violence, and mobbing are classified as so-called "emotional violence", by which we understand “interference in the psyche of another person directed against his or her emotions, resulting both immediate and delayed negative effects”. Emotional violence is never a single event. Stalking most often exhibits in such behaviors as: calls, silent calls, night calls, wandering in the vicinity of victim's home, making contact through a third party, questioning about the victim in his or her surroundings, persisting at the door / home / work, sending letters, e-mails, text messages, and gifts, placing postal orders in victim's name, tracking and following the victim, slander (distributing false information and rumors), burglary to victims house or car, stealing victim's belongings, harassing victim's family and friends, as well as attacking and assaulting them. The main problem with providing an adequate legal protection to a victim of a stalker lies in the fact that some of these behaviors are criminal, and some are not prohibited by law, nevertheless if repeated, they carry severe consequences for the victim which cannot be counteracted by means of criminal law. The tragedy of stalking victims lies in the fact that a persecutor may intimidate his victims and force them to change habits and plans, to live in constant fear. Stalker often causes huge mental suffering through actions which, under Polish law, are legally indifferent. What is also important is that actions of a stalker do not have to result from his or her wrongful intentions or desire to annoy the victim (in many law systems malicious intention of the stalker is a sine qua non for criminalization of stalking). Sometimes the persecutor acts with good intentions (the desire to win the love of a loved one), nevertheless behavior of the stalker is frightening for the victim. Results of a study taken to estimate the scale of stalking differ between countries where such studies have been conducted. This discrepancy is probably influenced by the definition assumed by researchers, research methodology, sample size and selection, but also by the different temperament of the inhabitants of these countries.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 173-208
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Obowiązki nakładane na osoby skazane z art. 207 § 1 k.k. w orzecznictwie sądów rejonowych
Duties imposed under 207§1 of Polish Criminal Code in district courts’ judicature
Autorzy:: Wrona, Grzegorz
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698985.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2011
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc domowa
przemoc wobec kobiet
polityka kryminalna
criminal law
victimization
victim
Opis:: The article contains an analysis of district court sentences which included protective and re-straining orders under article 72§1 of Polish Criminal Code (hereinafter referred to as PCC) on perpetrators of harassment punishable under article 207§1 of PCC. Because of the character of the crime of harassment, the main part of the article concerns orders of refraining from contacts with victims and of leaving the common place of residence. The article contains analysis and conclusions of a research of cases which ended in a decree absolute in 2008 – 2009 and concerned prosecution under article 207§1 of the Code. The research, completed in 2010, was conducted in eleven district courts, all of them subordinate to different courts of appeals. The results of the research show a significant divergence in the manner of sentencing restraining orders throughout the country. One may notice the extremes of the approach, particularly as far as the order of leaving the common place of residence is concerned. As a result, the courts use such opportunity only in a few percent of the cases where such orders can be sentenced. It is hard to speak of any line of sentencing with such a small number of cases. Meanwhile, the legislator amended the Act on Family Violence Prevention with the view on the duties imposed under article 72§1 of PCC. As a result of this amendment, two changes were introduced. The first consisted in distinguishing correctional and educational actions in section 6a. The second concerned the order of refraining from contacts with the victim in section 7a of the said article which was extended by adding a restraining order of staying away at a minimum distance from the victim. At the same time the legislator did not take into account the doubts expressed by the doctrine about possibility of successful enforcement of orders under sections 7a and 7b (order to leave the common place of residence). The conclusions of the article concern the necessity of more frequent interpretation of duties under article 72§1 sections 7a and 7b PCC by the courts and, as a consequence, of es-tablishing a uniform and consistent judicature in sentencing such restraining orders. It is sug-gested that this can be achieved if the guidelines by Polish Attorney General on preliminary proceedings in family violence cases include an instruction for the prosecutors to apply to courts for such restraining orders. This way, the courts of law will be obliged to take a stance on such motions and a chance to standardise the manner of sentencing them will arise.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2011, XXXIII; 213-225
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Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 6.

Tytuł:: Kryminologiczno-epistemologiczne i genderowe aspekty przestępstwa zgwałcenia
Criminological-epistemological and gender aspects of the crime of rape
Autorzy:: Płatek, Monika
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698947.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2010
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
wiktymizacja
zgwałcenie
gender and crime
rape
Opis:: According to government information from November 2010, only 8% of committed sex crimes are reported in Poland. In 90% of cases, the perpetrators remain unpunished. Taking into account the statistics for 2009, 6,700 cases of sexual violence show the scale of the problem. The article tries to investigate the reasons of such situation. How does it happen that in a legal order, which since 1932 is based on extremely modern approach to the crime of rape, it remains in practice so often unpunished? The reasons of this are seen in the accepted procedure of prosecution, on the motion of the injured. This procedure results from the fact that provisions from 1932 have been accepted as they were, without a deeper reflection or analysis of the state of affairs of the time. What was acceptable in the criminological-epistemological and dogmatic perspective then, has been accepted by the legislator at present. This leaves a question why regulations from 1932 are still in force at present, with the detriment to the victims. In seeking an answer to this question, a methodology provided by feminist jurisprudence is assumed. The text also explains the very notion of feminist jurisprudence and gender analysis of law. The method allows to notice the elements earlier neglected by the law and to explain why corruption of the perpetrator reaches the victim. The development of feminist jurisprudence over the past three decades has contributed to significant enrichment of the theory of law in many countries and has led to many reforms of criminal law, including changes to the regulations concerning the rape of crime. Taking feminist criminology and feminist jurisprudence into account allows to consider the causes of placing joint responsibility for rape on a victim. It allows to demonstrate that what is hidden under the euphemism of morals and morality is also supported by laws and does not result from tradition as much as from the influence of contemporary law. The accepted procedure of prosecution of the crime is a significant element of this process. Assuming a gender perspective introduces a perspective of experiences and values essential for women to the analysis of language, evaluation and events, although it is not limited to this. The text, while analysing the determinants of regulations concerning rape, questions the basic axioms of criminal law dogma pertaining to neutrality and objectivity of criminal law. The example of regulations on rape proves that both axioms in fact sustain a loss to the benefit of the interest of the legislator who has a greater tendency to identify with a perpetrator than with a victim. The text analyses various perspectives of justifying accepted norms and indicates that higher arguments at each time serve to justify current interests. Using instruments of gender analysis of law here as well, reader’s attention is drawn to the perspective resulting from the experiences and values presented by women.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2010, XXXII; 345-378
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Kulturowa przemoc ze względu na płeć. Przypadek zabójstw na tle honoru
Culture specific gender-based violence. Cases of honour killings
Autorzy:: Gutkowska, Agnieszka
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698555.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc wobec kobiet
przestępstwa kulturowe
zabójstwa honorowe
culture violence
honour killings
Opis:: Crimes related to the offender's cultural background are exceptional, and require special attention in many ways. Firstly, they come as far more shocking than the “typical” offences in a given society, due to their peculiar and infrequent nature. Secondly, as they are so much specific, they pose a serious challenge for law enforcement bodies, and it may seem that they are a significant problem for courts, who must face foreign and often culturally obscure situations and behaviour. This is also an important challenge for researchers, who try their best to define and, most of all, understand the mechanisms leading to such type of crime. The article discusses the specificity of honour killing, characterises the perpetrators and victims, and clarifies the motivational process of perpetrators, who often find themselves entangled in obligations enforced by cultural norms in a degree comparable to what their victims experience. The paper is also an attempt at analysis of the thesis widely found in the literature claiming that abuse towards women (irrespective of their cultural background and creed) stems from the patriarchal social structure, and should not be associated with any particular cultural system . The article claims that in order to properly analyse honour killing cases and create a possibly most effective system of preventing and countering the phenomenon, the expressions and sources of violence against women in different cultures must be precisely and unequivocally defined, and so must be the perpetrators' motivation. This clear division is necessary at the terminological level, to start with. This is why the article introduces the notion of “culture specific gender based violence”. Gender based violence itself is too broad a term to define such polarised cases as economic abuse of a wife by a husband, battering, or even marital rape and honour killing. Classifying honour killings as gender-based violence only, without precise identification of the sources behind such violence, is a dangerous practice, as - in consequence - opinions emerge equalising infringement of women's rights in the western world with those experienced in honour-based cultures or Muslim societies . The claim that women suffer the same violence regardless of culture or creed is not true. There is a dramatic difference between Christian background cultures, which nurture basic human rights, and honour cultures or Muslim communities, in the manner they treat women, and in the extent of socially accepted repression if they infringe the norms. What is even more, without changing the cultural rules or interpretation of religious rules, the position of women who are facing honour killings cannot improve. This is due to the fact that it is the culture and religion, or to be more precise, some elements of those, or instrumental use of those, that are at the source of this type of violence.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 137-160
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Molestowanie seksualne jako forma dyskryminacji ze względu na płeć
Sexual Harassment as a form on Sex Discrimination
Autorzy:: Jasiakiewicz, Agnieszka
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699102.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2006
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: molestowanie seksualne
dyskryminacja kobiet
dyskryminacja
kobiety
płeć
mobbing
seksizm
sexual harassment
sex discrimination
women
Opis:: The opinions presenting sexual harassment as a form of sex-based discrimination appeared long before such a regulation was introduced. Today, both in legal acts and in the doctrine, sexual harassment is considered to be a sex-based discrimination. The same opinion is voiced by the legal practice of many countries. The paper aims at presenting the basic aspects of this problem and at reviewing the legal practice of these countries.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 193-201
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Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Płeć a przestępczość. O problemie dysproporcji płci wśród sprawców przestępstw z użyciem przemocy
Gender and crime. On unequal distribution of sexes in violent offending
Autorzy:: Grzyb, Magdalena
Habzda-Siwek, Ewa
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698557.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2013
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc a płeć
kryminologia feministyczna
przestępczość z użyciem przemocy
przestępczość kobiet
gender
crime
violent offending
Opis:: Gender gap in crime, that is the claim that women tend to commit less crimes than men, has been the subject of criminological research for years. The gender gap is found throughout the world, not excluding Poland. Scholars dealing with the issue mainly focus on two aspects of the problem. First, they try to find out why women commit fewer crimes than men, which means the very gender gap is their key concern. Second, they try to clarify and interpret any potential changes in this disproportion observed over time; in particular this relates to the narrowing of the gap that can be noted in the official statistics (especially in the US) over the last decades. Based on publicly available police statistics for the years 1992 – 2011 on persons suspected of: murder (Article 148 Penal Code), bodily injury or harm to the bodily functions or severe health disturbance (Articles 156 and 157 Penal Code), brawling or assault (Articles 158 and 159 Penal Code) and the so-called aggravated crimes (Articles 280, 281 and 282 Penal Code), the authors decided to identify the size of the gap between offending men and women involved in chosen violent crimes in Poland and to check if the difference changes over time. The main focus was devoted to finding out if the gender gap in selected types of crimes in Poland is changing (narrowing), as it is the case in the western countries. Some results of previous research, conducted mostly in the US, show that the disproportion has been shrinking over the last several decades. Two hypotheses are offered by researches to explain the trend. The first one, referred to as the Behaviour Change Hypothesis emphasises the fact that over the last few decades women have become more socially active and they are becoming more similar to men in their behaviour, which leads to increased readiness to display aggressive behaviours, and this is reflected in criminal records. The hypothesis could illustrate the actual changes in women behaviour and evolution of gender roles. According to the other hypothesis, the Policy Change Hypothesis, the observed change does not stem from the fact that male behaviour patterns are adopted by women, but can rather from the changing percep-tion of violence and greater pressure on law enforcement bodies to prosecute every, even the most minuscule acts of violence, regardless of the age or sex of the perpetrator. The analysis of data on Poland was preceded with a short review of the contemporary criminological concepts concerning gender and offending, with the aim to investigate their potential in explaining the qualitative and quantitative differences in criminal activity of men and women. The authors devoted special attention to: the T. Hirschi's control theory, J. Ha-gan's theory of control-power, the general strain theory by R. Agnew (including the concept of L. Broidy and R.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 95-135
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Tytuł:: Profil sprawcy, profil ofary. Przestępstwo współżycia z osobą małoletnią poniżej 15. roku życia
Offender's profile, victim's profile. The sexual offenses committed against minors up to 15 years old
Autorzy:: Dziewanowska, Małgorzata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699013.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2012
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: kryminologia feministyczna
przemoc wobec kobiet
wykorzystywanie seksualne małoletnich
wiktymizacja
pedofilia
sexual offences
victim
victimization
perpetrator
crime
Opis:: The purpose of this article is to present results of an examination of judicial records of cases relating to the article 200 of Criminal Code in two judicial districts. It is essential to construct a profile of a perpetrator and a profile of a victim of this offense, particularly in those cases committed by young people. Also, if possible, to answer a question whether the present legal regulation is adequate to control minors’ sexual activity. Interesting issues are the age difference between the perpetrator and the victim, the existence (or not) of some close relation between them, and also the impact of those factors on the decision of a court. Equally important are reasons of reporting the cases to law enforcement, the basis for initiation of criminal proceedings and final sentences. The objective of this study was also to check whether the reduction of age of consent or the introduction of “close in age exception” would reduce the number of convicted young offenders, who were participants of consensual sexual relations with minors under 15 years old. The analysis of data obtained is carried out in the context of socio-cultural acceptance of sexual behavior of youth, legal regulations of protection of their reproductive health, the impact of media and information technologies, as well as the history of childhood and perception of children’s sexuality. Non-criminal-law factors have very significant impact on the knowledge young people have, on the sexual needs they have, and finally implementation of those in everyday life. This study is part of the doctoral thesis analyzing the problem of sexual offenses committed by or against minors, partly illustrating the phenomenon and the problems arising from the criminal law regulations of sexual behavior of young people. This research is not representative for the whole country, because of the limited geographical scope, but allows to draw relevant conclusions and confirm or deny previously constructed hypotheses. It is also possible to prediagnose emerging problems and to present the potential legal solutions, currently existing in other countries, both in Europe and worldwide.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2012, XXXIV; 367-399
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 11.

Tytuł:: Przemoc wobec kobiet i reakcja policji w perspektywie międzynarodowej
Violence against Women and Police Responses in an International Perspective
Autorzy:: Gruszczyńska, Beata
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698878.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2008
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc wobec kobiet
policja
International Violence against Women Survey
IVAWS
perspektywa międzynarodowa
przemoc
violence against women
violence
women
police
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 99-112
0066-6890
2719-4280
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Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: ‘We condemn abusing violence against women’. The criminalization of domestic violence in Poland
„Potępiamy nadużywanie przemocy wobec kobiet”. O kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w Polsce
Autorzy:: Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375553.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2020-09-30
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: domestic violence
violence against women
Istanbul Convention
penal law
criminal justice
Polska
przemoc domowa
przemoc wobec kobiet
Polska
prawo karne
konwencja stambulska
Opis:: One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers.
One can often hear Polish politicians saying there is no violence against women in Poland, since Polish men respect their women and women hold a strong position in Polish culture. The conviction rates for domestic abuse in Poland are indeed low, though the attrition rates are high. Every year, for approximately 75,000 registered cases of domestic violence, there are roughly 10,000 convictions. Most of the prison sentences are conditionally suspended. Protective orders or other punitive measures are seldom handed down. There is a visible reluctance on the part of the criminal justice system to punish and correct domestic abusers. One of the reasons is that domestic abuse provisions in the Polish Penal Code (Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code from 1997) criminalises a very different behaviour than is defined in the Counteracting Family Violence Act from 2005. Another, possibly even greater, reason is the culture of sentencing (both in general and of domestic abuse) within the Polish judiciary and the very strong conservatism of Polish decision-makers and society. The protection of family values by legislators and the judiciary is often enforced at the expense of the victims’ right to life and to a life free from violence. This article discusses the Polish system for preventing domestic violence, which was set up in 2005 and the construction and jurisprudence of crime described in Article 207 of the Polish Penal Code. In particular, the question of culpability raises many problems when it comes to prosecution. First, we must compare Article 207 with the definition of ‘family violence’ specified inthe Counteracting Family Violence Act and the Istanbul Convention. Then, I will explain how such an understanding and interpretation of Article 207 translates into the dynamics of sentencing and penal decision-making and the virtual ineffectiveness of both penal provisions (the lack of deterrent effect) and the system of counteracting family violence designed by lawmakers. Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że art. 207 kodeksu karnego kryminalizujący znęcanie się nad najbliższymi osobami jest formą kryminalizacji przemocy domowej w polskim ustawodawstwie karnym. Jednak czy tak jest w istocie? Gdy Polska ratyfikowała konwencję stambulską (Konwencja Rady Europy ws. zwalczania przemocy domowej i przemocy wobec kobiet, CETS 210) w 2015 r. uznano, że nasze ustawodawstwo odnośnie do przemocy domowej spełnia wymogi konwencji, jeśli chodzi o zintegrowane, kompleksowe i skoordynowane ogólnokrajowe strategie obejmujące środki mające na celu zapobieganie wszelkim formom przemocy objętych zakresem konwencji. Pod względem ścigania aktów przemocy domowej uznano, że art. 207 jest wystarczającym instrumentem prawnokarnym, by zadośćuczynić wymogom konwencji. W artykule przedstawię polski system przeciwdziałania przemocy w rodzinie ustanowiony w ustawie z 2005 r. oraz zarysuję wzajemne relacje między systemem z ustawy o przeciwdziałaniu przemocy w rodzinie a regulacjami prawnokarnymi, a dokładnie to, czy zachowanie stypizowane w art. 207 k.k. pokrywa się z ustawową definicją przemocy w rodzinie. Te relacje bardzo wyraźnie obrazują liczby, które pokazują, że państwo polskie nie jest specjalnie responsywne na przemoc domową, a owa niska responsywność tylko po części wynika z niedoskonałych przepisów prawa, a w ogromnej części z pewnej inercji podmiotów stosujących prawo, archaicznej wykładni znamion omawianego przestępstwa i braku woli politycznej.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 163-183
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Tytuł:: Niektóre koncepcje kryminologiczne a problem przestępczości kobiet
Some criminological concepts and the problem of female crime
Autorzy:: Błachut, Janina
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699314.pdf
Data publikacji:: 1989
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: problem
kryminologia
płeć żeńska
przestępstwo
zmiany
agresywny
zachowanie
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
koncepcje
przestępczości kobiet
criminologica
female
crime
changes
aggressive
behaviour
crime against property
concepts
female crime
Opis:: In 1975, two books dealing with female crime appeared. They aroused many controversies and polemics and inspired many empirical studies. They were Freda Adler's Sisters in Crime and Rita James Simon's Women and Crime. Both works attempted to explain the changes their authoresses believed were taking place in female crime with the influence of the women's lib movements. The two approaches, though similar in many points, show different patterns of connections between women's lib and female crime from which the latter's extent and direction of changes result. F. Adler assumes that the women's lib movements of the 1960's and 1970's decidedly influenced changes in women's behaviour - the criminal behavior included. These changes resulted in an increase in the number and weight of offences committed by women. If such social movements continue –according to F. Adler - female crime will keep increasing and becoming similar to its male counterpart. Women will commit a greater number of the traditionally ,,masculine’’offences, i.e.offences against person, the more aggressive among offences against property, and the so-called ,,white-collar crimes’’ Contrary to F. Adler, R. J. Simon focuses not on the ideology of women's lib but mainly on the increasing professional activity of women which no doubt results largely from that movement. According to R. J. Simon, the women's increased professional activity will have twofold consequences: on the one hand women will get better opportunities to commit offences against property, and on the other hand, their greater material independence will lessen their frustration thus limiting the number of violent offences committed by women. Empirical research aimed at explaining the trend and structure of female crime basing on F. Adler’s and R. J. Simon's conceptions tended in-two separate directions. In the first group of studies, the trend and structure of female crime were estimated. The other group included studies in which the interdependences were analysed between the changes that took place in the women's social status as a result of the women’s lib movement on the one hand, and the changes in female crime on the other han. Generally speaking, none of those studies aspired at verifying the whole of either F. Adler’s or R. J. Simon’s conception being limited to verification of some theses only. The present paper includes a discusson of studies carried out by D. J. Steffensmeier, M J. Hindenlang, V. D. Young, P. C. Giordano, S. Kerbel and S. Dudley, N. K. Wilson, J. G. Gory, and M. D .Lynes. Their findings were as follows. No major changes could be observed in female crime after 1970. Instead, such changes had taken place in earlier years. What did change slightly after 1970 was the number of offences against property, and not all of them at that; namely an increase took place. The number of offences against the person was stable or showed a slight upward tendency which was, however, also found in the case of men. The grounds of liking women’s lib with female crime are questioned, as the latter changed prior to the rise of women’s movements. The notion of ,,women’s liberation’’ is not operational; moreover, professional activity is considered insufficient as the index basing on which to estimate the social changes which many have resulted from women’s lib. Female crime should be analysed in the context of the social changes that concerned women-to do it, however, appropriate indices of those changes ought to be chosen. F. Adler’s and R.J. Simon’s conceptions still arouse many controversies today. The following objections can be raised to them: both authoresses estimated female crime basing on statistics of detentions by the police. As is well know, official statistics are the reflection not only crime itself but also of the functioning of administration of justice. Thus a single source is insufficient if the causes of changes in female crime are to be explained. Two of F. Adler’s assumptions arouse certain doubts. The first of them is that women's lib included ail women and had a large effect on all of them: actually the movement only concerned the middle classes. Moreover, there is no evidence of the existence in American society of an actual social equality of men and women resulting from the equality of legally recognized chances. The other disputable assumption is that ,,masculinity" increases the likelihood of delinquency: it is uncertain whether and to what extent the social changes actually influenced women's different behaviour, and if they did, whether women really adopted masculine patterns of behaviour. The conception of R. J. Simon, although more complete and better verified, includes a disputable contention that the increased professional activity of women lessens their frustration thus reducing the resulting violent offences. Admittedly, the new professional roles the women assume may improve their self-image and thus level stress; but on the other hand, the fact that they have to perform several social roles at the same time may give rise to frustration resulting from inability to perform all of those roles equally well. Therefore, if we follow this path of reasoning, the number of violent offences committed by women should remain stable as professional activity may influence the women's minds differently not only lessening but also deepening their frustration. The discussion of female crime, taking place in literature, gave rise to the question whether and to what extent that phenomenon changed in Poland. Basing on court statistics, an analysis was carried out of the extent of female crime in the years 1946-1986 and of its structure in the years 1977-1986. The number of convictions of women and their proportion in the total number of convictions underwent significant changes over the forty years from 1946 till 1986. In the forties and the early fifties, the number of convictions of women went up rapidly at a rate greater than that of convictions of men. In the late fifties, that upwards tendency still persisted but was less marked than was the case with men. In the sixties, the number of convictions of women went down markedly, to remain stable with a slight upward tendency in the seventies. The legislative changes in penal law and the several amnesty acts in the eighties make an appraisal of the extent of crime in that period rather difficult. In the years l980-1983, there was a drop in the number of convictions of women, followed by an increase in the years 1984-1986 which no doubt resulted from the introduction of two acts: on education in sobriety and the fighting of alcoholism, and on the fighting of profiteering. If we consider the above-mentioned conceptions, that of R. J. Simon in particular, in relation to female crime in Poland, the years, 1946-1955 seem especially to confirm the hypothesis as to the connections between professional activity of women and female crime. In those years, a rapid increase of women's employment took place, and their social status changed greatly. Female offences are mainly those against property. Convictions of women for such offences constitute over 70 per cent on the average of all convictions of women the respective percentage being over 50 in the case of men, while the average 11 pet cent of women are convicted for offences against the person (as compared to over 30 per cent of men). The changes in female crime in Poland in the years 1977-1986 differ greatly from what F. Adler and R. J. Simon anticipated. There was a drop in the number of convictions for offences against property in the years l977-1984,while as regards offences against the persons, the number of convictions was stable or showed a slight upward tendency; there was an increase in the respective numbers in that same period as regards convictions of men. A rise in the number of convictions of women in the years 1984-1986 issued mainly from changes in penal legislation and from the resulting practice of prosecution. As shown by the analysis of female crime in Poland based on court statistics, the available data were greatly insufficient to interpret the changes observed. Several different sources of information about crime ale necessary, as well as several standards or estimation (numbers of detected offences, of persons found guilty, of convictions). Professional activity of women, the impact it has on their social situation, and its possible connections with the change in female crime, indicated by R. J. Simon, may also help explain that phenomenon in the Polish conditions but only together with many other factors which may influence the extent and structure of female crime.
In 1975, two books dealing with female crime appeared. They aroused many controversies and polemics and inspired many empirical studies. They were Freda Adler's Sisters in Crime and Rita James Simon's Women and Crime. Both works attempted to explain the changes their authoresses believed were taking place in female crime with the influence of the women's lib movements. The two approaches, though similar in many points, show different patterns of connections between women's lib and female crime from which the latter's extent and direction of changes result. F. Adler assumes that the women's lib movements of the 1960's and 1970's decidedly influenced changes in women's behaviour - the criminal behavior included. These changes resulted in an increase in the number and weight of offences committed by women. If such social movements continue –according to F. Adler - female crime will keep increasing and becoming similar to its male counterpart. Women will commit a greater number of the traditionally ,,masculine’’offences, i.e.offences against person, the more aggressive among offences against property, and the so-called ,,white-collar crimes’’ Contrary to F. Adler, R. J. Simon focuses not on the ideology of women's lib but mainly on the increasing professional activity of women which no doubt results largely from that movement. According to R. J. Simon, the women's increased professional activity will have twofold consequences: on the one hand women will get better opportunities to commit offences against property, and on the other hand, their greater material independence will lessen their frustration thus limiting the number of violent offences committed by women. Empirical research aimed at explaining the trend and structure of female crime basing on F. Adler’s and R. J. Simon's conceptions tended in-two separate directions. In the first group of studies, the trend and structure of female crime were estimated. The other group included studies in which the interdependences were analysed between the changes that took place in the women's social status as a result of the women’s lib movement on the one hand, and the changes in female crime on the other han. Generally speaking, none of those studies aspired at verifying the whole of either F. Adler’s or R. J. Simon’s conception being limited to verification of some theses only. The present paper includes a discusson of studies carried out by D. J. Steffensmeier, M J. Hindenlang, V. D. Young, P. C. Giordano, S. Kerbel and S. Dudley, N. K. Wilson, J. G. Gory, and M. D .Lynes. Their findings were as follows. No major changes could be observed in female crime after 1970. Instead, such changes had taken place in earlier years. What did change slightly after 1970 was the number of offences against property, and not all of them at that; namely an increase took place. The number of offences against the person was stable or showed a slight upward tendency which was, however, also found in the case of men. The grounds of liking women’s lib with female crime are questioned, as the latter changed prior to the rise of women’s movements. The notion of ,,women’s liberation’’ is not operational; moreover, professional activity is considered insufficient as the index basing on which to estimate the social changes which many have resulted from women’s lib. Female crime should be analysed in the context of the social changes that concerned women-to do it, however, appropriate indices of those changes ought to be chosen. F. Adler’s and R.J. Simon’s conceptions still arouse many controversies today. The following objections can be raised to them: both authoresses estimated female crime basing on statistics of detentions by the police. As is well know, official statistics are the reflection not only crime itself but also of the functioning of administration of justice. Thus a single source is insufficient if the causes of changes in female crime are to be explained. Two of F. Adler’s assumptions arouse certain doubts. The first of them is that women's lib included ail women and had a large effect on all of them: actually the movement only concerned the middle classes. Moreover, there is no evidence of the existence in American society of an actual social equality of men and women resulting from the equality of legally recognized chances. The other disputable assumption is that ,,masculinity" increases the likelihood of delinquency: it is uncertain whether and to what extent the social changes actually influenced women's different behaviour, and if they did, whether women really adopted masculine patterns of behaviour. The conception of R. J. Simon, although more complete and better verified, includes a disputable contention that the increased professional activity of women lessens their frustration thus reducing the resulting violent offences. Admittedly, the new professional roles the women assume may improve their self-image and thus level stress; but on the other hand, the fact that they have to perform several social roles at the same time may give rise to frustration resulting from inability to perform all of those roles equally well. Therefore, if we follow this path of reasoning, the number of violent offences committed by women should remain stable as professional activity may influence the women's minds differently not only lessening but also deepening their frustration. The discussion of female crime, taking place in literature, gave rise to the question whether and to what extent that phenomenon changed in Poland. Basing on court statistics, an analysis was carried out of the extent of female crime in the years 1946-1986 and of its structure in the years 1977-1986. The number of convictions of women and their proportion in the total number of convictions underwent significant changes over the forty years from 1946 till 1986. In the forties and the early fifties, the number of convictions of women went up rapidly at a rate greater than that of convictions of men. In the late fifties, that upwards tendency still persisted but was less marked than was the case with men. In the sixties, the number of convictions of women went down markedly, to remain stable with a slight upward tendency in the seventies. The legislative changes in penal law and the several amnesty acts in the eighties make an appraisal of the extent of crime in that period rather difficult. In the years l980-1983, there was a drop in the number of convictions of women, followed by an increase in the years 1984-1986 which no doubt resulted from the introduction of two acts: on education in sobriety and the fighting of alcoholism, and on the fighting of profiteering. If we consider the above-mentioned conceptions, that of R. J. Simon in particular, in relation to female crime in Poland, the years, 1946-1955 seem especially to confirm the hypothesis as to the connections between professional activity of women and female crime. In those years, a rapid increase of women's employment took place, and their social status changed greatly. Female offences are mainly those against property. Convictions of women for such offences constitute over 70 per cent on the average of all convictions of women the respective percentage being over 50 in the case of men, while the average 11 pet cent of women are convicted for offences against the person (as compared to over 30 per cent of men). The changes in female crime in Poland in the years 1977-1986 differ greatly from what F. Adler and R. J. Simon anticipated. There was a drop in the number of convictions for offences against property in the years l977-1984,while as regards offences against the persons, the number of convictions was stable or showed a slight upward tendency; there was an increase in the respective numbers in that same period as regards convictions of men. A rise in the number of convictions of women in the years 1984-1986 issued mainly from changes in penal legislation and from the resulting practice of prosecution. As shown by the analysis of female crime in Poland based on court statistics, the available data were greatly insufficient to interpret the changes observed. Several different sources of information about crime ale necessary, as well as several standards or estimation (numbers of detected offences, of persons found guilty, of convictions). Professional activity of women, the impact it has on their social situation, and its possible connections with the change in female crime, indicated by R. J. Simon, may also help explain that phenomenon in the Polish conditions but only together with many other factors which may influence the extent and structure of female crime.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 211-244
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki

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Skocz do pozycji: 14.

Tytuł:: Równość płci i przemoc wobec kobiet. Próba wyjaśnienia tzw. paradoksu nordyckiego
Gender Equality and Violence Against Women. Understanding the So-called Nordic Paradox
Autorzy:: Grzyb, Magdalena
Powiązania:: https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698786.pdf
Data publikacji:: 2018
Wydawca:: Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:: przemoc wobec kobiet
równość płci
„paradoks nordycki”
badania wiktymizacyjne
hegemoniczne męskości
odmiany patriarchatu
Bourdieu
violence against women
gender equality
“Nordic paradox”
victimisation survey
hegemonic masculinities
varieties of patriarchy
Opis:: According to the prevailing assumption, the main cause of violence against women isa structural inequality between men and women. That idea is common in internationalhuman rights discourse, widely accepted on political level and enforced by severalscientific studies. The structural nature of violence against women means that it isgender-based violence and one of the crucial social mechanisms by which womenare forced into a subordinate position compared with men. It is a manifestationof historically unequal power relations between men and women which have led todomination over, and discrimination against, women by men, and have prevented fulladvancement of women.Logically thinking, achieving gender equality would lead to the elimination ofviolence against women. Respectively, in societies with greater gender equality, wherewomen enjoy better rights, have a better footing towards men, greater legal protectionand access to power, they also should be less vulnerable to violence based on theirgender. The most gender-equal countries in the world are Scandinavian countries –Sweden, Norway, Iceland, Denmark and Finland.Yet, the recent EU-wide victimisation survey on violence against women (FundamentalRights Agency 2014) produced startling results. It turned out that the highestrates of violence against women (in almost every single aspect, intimate partner violenceand non-partner violence) were reported in the Nordic countries, particularly in Sweden,whereas countries considered traditional and conservative, e.g. the Mediterraneancountries or Poland, revealed a lower prevalence of violence against women. The FRAresults on Scandinavian countries were coined the “Nordic paradox”.The main problem is this: is really gender equality a factor reducing or increasingthe likelihood of violence against women’s victimisation? Is the subordinate positionof women typical of more conservative societies a protective factor against violenceagainst women? And are actually the FRA study results sufficiently reliable to drawsuch conclusions?The first section of the paper discusses the FRA results regarding the Scandinaviancountries and presents it against a larger picture of gender equality indicators. Thenext section examines the possible explanations for differences between countriesoffered by the authors, which are mainly methodological and contextual ones, such as:cultural acceptability to talk with other people about experiences of violence againstwomen, higher levels of disclosure about violence against women in more gender-equalsocieties, patterns of employment or lifestyle or levels of urbanisation, differencesbetween countries in the overall levels of violent crime and drinking habits in particularsocieties.The third section reviews the previous research findings, looking at the relationshipbetween gender equality or women’s status and violence against women. There are twochief hypotheses tested in the studies: the ameliorative hypothesis (violence againstwomen will fall along with greater gender equality) and the backlash hypothesis (ifwomen remain in their subordinate position, men are less threatened and less likely toresort to violence against them). Overall, the studies showed mixed results, dependingon the used measures. Furthermore, most of the them were conducted on the US data,and their application to the European context is doubtful.The final section presents some theoretical explanations from the critical sociologyfield. The three most relevant theories suitable to explain the “Nordic paradox” andthe relationship between gender equality and relatively high rates of violence againstwomen include the variety of patriarchy theory of G. Hunnicutt, the hegemonic masculinities of R.W. Connell and J. Messerschmidt and the symbolic violence ofP. Bourdieu. All of these theories critically frame the use of violence by men as a meansof upholding their superior position towards women.
Źródło:: Archiwum Kryminologii; 2018, XL; 221-261
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:: Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:: Biblioteka Nauki