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Tytuł:
Problemy związane ze statystycznym opisem przestępczości w oparciu o dane statystyk policyjnych
Problems of Statistical Description of Crime Based on Police Statistics
Autorzy:
Błachut, Janina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698935.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
opis przestępczości
statystyka kryminalna
statystyka policyjna
description of crime
crime statistics
police statistics
Opis:
Crime, like any other social phenomenon, requires a statistical description. That description has been changing together with changes of the criminological paradigms. Today, data from three different sources are use to measure crime: official statistics, self-report surveys, and victimization surveys. The data are difficult to compare (in respect of their type, extent, and manner in which they are acquired); however, they are complementary and permit a multi-dimensional description of the phenomenon. The oldest and still the basic source of figures on crime are the crime statistics. What has changed, however, is the approach to such data. Today, they are evaluated in three different perspectives: realistic, institutional, and radical. The present study signals the problems that arise when trying to provide a statistical description of crime of the 1990s basing on police statistics interpreted (to a varying extent) in all three perspectives. My point of departure is the assumption that just like the other statistics of crime, the police statistics is a social construct. It is a product of social, political and organizational processes. Explanation of the process of statistics-making help towards a qualitative evaluation of the data contained in the statistics. The data from police statistics may be treated as indices of both the functioning of the institutions for social control, and of detected crime that results from such control. Important in the social process of statistics-making is both the occurrence of specific events or behaviors and the social reaction to them. Possessing political power, the state creates the system of laws together with organizational structures that supervise the observance of those laws. The functioning of the formalized legal control may be analyzed from the viewpoint of decisions taken by the legislator in the process of law-making as well as those taken by institutions specially appointed to exercise such control. Fundamental in the process of making of police statistics is the role of decisions taken by the police in the course of prosecution. The police (as well as other prosecution agencies) is authorized by state authorities to detect, qualify, register and count events that are found to be offences and the perpetrators of those acts. It is authorized to gather, process and publish data. The legislative process, that is the legislator's decisions concerning law-making, may be appraised in various perspectives. Important in the context of interpretation of data from police statistics is their evaluation in the perspective of criminalization/de-criminalization and penalization/de-penalization acts, construction of substantive penal law and criminal procedure institution, as well as regulation of the structure and competencies of agencies dealing with public safety and order, the police included. Also monitored should be legislative "steps" in the area of misdemeanors law and penal law concerning offences against the Treasury. In the process of both formalized and informal social control, offences are "disclosed''; evcnts and behaviors idcntified with prohibited acts are distinguished from among the bulk of events and behaviors. To "disclose'' an offence, one needs knowledge as to what is and what is not a prohibited act; the opportunity to recognize that offence; and the awareness of recognizing it. In our system, the institutions appointed thus to "disclose'' offences include the Police, the prosecutor's office, the Office of State Protection, Military Police, Frontier Guards, fiscal inspection agencies, the Customs Inspection, State Sanitary Inspection, State Trade Inspection, as well as other agencies specified in individual laws. As can be supposed, most offences are disclosed by the victims, natural persons, and members of victimized institutions. Disclosure of an offence is not tantamount to its reporting. Self-report surveys confirm the existence of disclosed but unreported offences. As follows from such surveys, people in different countries show different tendencies to report facts of victimization to the police, and those tendencies depend on the type of offence involved. In Poland, it is the citizens' social duty to report offences; that duty becomes legal in exceptional situations and with respect to a specific group of offences only. Not all reported offences are registered. Registration follows strictly specified rules related to the system of information gathering and processing that is currently binding upon the prosecution agencies. Registration of offences proceeds through a prosecution agency's decision to institute preparatory proceedings. Most often, the proceedings are instituted on the citizens' initiative. Once instituted, preparatory proceedings aims at establishing whether a prohibited act has in fact been committed and whether that act constitutes an offence. The event with respect to which qualification of the act as an offence has been confirmed by completed preparatory proceedings is treated as an established offence in police statistics. Preparatory proceedings also aims at detecting the offender, that is at identifying the person who has in fact committed a given act. At the preparatory stage, this person is treated as the suspect. In most cases, identification of the suspect by the prosecution agencies bases on indication made by the person who reported the offence. The process of detection of offenders varies depending on the type of offence, indication or lack of indication of the suspect at the moment of reporting the offence, and the province in which the preparatory proceedings was conducted. The legislator authorized the Police not only to detect, qualify and register offences, to detect offenders, and to take a variety of decisions concerning acts and persons in preparatory proceedings (at the stage of its institution, course, and completion), but also to gather appropriate data about those acts and persons and then to count, process and publish such data. The term "police statistics'' usually means a collection, gathered and published by the Police, of figures pertaining to crime. Such figures make it possible to describe the quantitative aspect of the phenomenon, but may be quite misleading if used in a wrong manner. Data from police statistics may be used mechanically, so to say, simply quoted with no attempt at explanation. They may be manipulated, that is used in a biased way towards specific aims. As we know, figures can be used to prove any hypothesis whatever, provided that they are selected, put in order, confronted and counted. They can also be interpreted; this, however, is where difficulties start to arise. It appears that it is by no means a simple task to provide a statistical description of crime basing on police statistics. The picture of crime that emerges from that statistics is usually described in a language typical of interpretation of such data in the realistic perspective. We speak of the extent of crime, its dynamics, and trends as if we believed that the data gathered by the Police permitted characterization of "real crime". Despite this language of the realistic perspective, the actual analysis bases on all three perspectives, that is also on the institutional and the radical one. This means that using police stirtistics, we at the same time analyze the process of their making. Awareness of the process in which the data emerge determines the manner of describing and interpretation of the phenomenon of crime.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 123-140
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Orzeczone kary pozbawienia wolności a długość faktycznego pobytu w więzieniu (na przykładzie skazanych za przestępstwa z użyciem przemocy)
Adjudicated imprisonment punishment and the length of actual detention in prison
Autorzy:
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Kulma, Roman
Marczewski, Marek
Siemaszko, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698929.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
statystyka
przemoc
kara pozbawienia wolności
statistics
violence
imprisonment
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 193-223
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Skazani recydywiści w Polsce w okresie transformacji w świetle danych statystycznych
Recidivists Convicted in Poland in the Transition Period, in the Light of Statistical Data
Autorzy:
Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698795.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
recydywiści
recydywa przestępcza
recydywa penitencjarna
przestępstwa
statystyki więzienne
statystyki sądowe
recidivists
multiple relapse into crime
offences
court convictions statistics
prison statistics
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 739-761
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1965–1969 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie (na podstawie danych statystyki milicyjno-prokuratorskich)
Offences Discovered in 1965–1969 and the Persons Suspected of Them (data based on police statistics)
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Syzduł, Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699152.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
statystyka policyjna
przestępstwa
podejrzany
police statistics
offences
persons suspected
Opis:
The publication compiles data from police records on offences discovered in 1.965 – 1969 and the persons suspected of them.  
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 270-303
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość przeciwko mieniu w Polsce w latach 1924–2005 w świetle danych statystyki policyjnej
Crime against Property in Poland between 1924 and 2005 in the Light of Police Statistical Data
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698858.pdf
Data publikacji:
2008
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępstwo przeciwko mieniu
statystyka policyjna
kradzież
mienie
Policja
dane statystyczne
1924-2005
offence against property
police statistics
theft
property
Police
statistics data
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 119-131
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość narkotykowa w Polsce w latach 1985-1996 w świetle danych statystyki policyjnej i sądowej
Drug Crime in Poland 1985-1996 in the Light of Police and Court Statistics
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698937.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
narkotyki
statystyka
prawo karne
criminality
narcotics
statistics
criminal law
Opis:
In many countries of Western Europe, and of Northern America in particular, drug crime is a most serious problem both in the quantitative and the qualitative terms. This means that oflences of this type engage a considerable portion of the forces and means put at the disposal of law enforcement and criminal justice in those countries. Against this background, the question arises about the recent situation in this respect in Poland. The problem is that for many years after World War II, drug addiction was a problem of minor importance, also from the viewpoint of the police and courts. It was only in the latter half of the seventies, that a considerable drug subculture emerged in Poland, which resulted from propagation of homemade Polish heroin. And yet there was in Poland no "real'' black drug market or the division into dealers and consumers, as the addicts usually manufactured Polish heroin for themselves. Bigger changes only took place in the nineties, when Poland became a significant manufacturer of amphetamine for Western markets and an important transit country, especially for heroin smugglers from the so-called Balkan route. What remains unclear, instead, is the impact of those phenomena on the internal drug market. The extent of opiates subculture does not seem to have grown considerably, and Polish heroin still plevails, the "real" one being too expensive. What did go up, and significantly at that, is consumption of other drugs, especially amphetamine and marihuana. Yet against the general "moral panic" related to amphetamine, few epidemiology surveys indicate the greatest popularity of marihuana and not amphetamine among the school youth. The analysis discussed in the present paper aims first and foremost at answering the question as to the extent to which the above changes in drug addiction and traffic have been reflected in the functioning of law enforcement and criminal justice in Poland. To this aim, analyzed in the first place have been data on detected drug offences from police statistics, as well as date on convictions for such offences from court statistics. Basically, the analysis concerns the years 1985-1996 when the 1985 Drug Control Act was in force. With respect to the police statistics, analyzed have also been data for 1991-1998, that is the period of operation of the new 1997 Act. The major findings of my analysis can be summarized as follows. First and foremost, it has to be stated that in quantitative terms, the role of drug crime in the daily practice of law enforcement and criminal justice agencies in Poland in 1985-1996 was in fact of minor importance. Thus both detected drug offences shown in police statistics and convictions for such offences shown in court statistics constituted less than 1% of all offences and convictions as a rule. Admittedly, at the end of the discussed period, an upward trend in drug crime could be noticed in the police statistics in particular, and thus in the overall structure of crime; yet its extent is still much smaller compared to most West-European countries. The question remains largely open to what extent the growth in detected drug crime, particularly noticeable starting from 1994, results from an actual growth in the number of offences, as it may well result also from the Polish police forces' growing efficiency in detecting offences of this type. In 1985-1996, there was in Poland a most specific structure of drug crime. Thus two offences prevailed in the structure of both detected offences shown in police statistics and convictions contained in court statistics: illegal cultivation of poppy and illegal manufacture or processing of narcotic drugs. In some years, the two offences together accounted for over 80% of the bulk of drug crime registered by the police, and for even a greater proportion - up to 90% - of all convictions for such offences. Instead, the share in the overall structure of drug crime in Poland of such "classical'' offences as smuggling, trafficking and dealing in drugs was at the minimum level until 1994. It was only after that year that the proportion started to grow: by 1998, the structure was reversed with 65% of all offences detected that year being cases of dealing in drugs. So far, however, this shift is hardly reflected in the structure of convictions for such offences, which remains largely unchanged compared to previous years. This may demonstrate the Polish police forces' much greater efficiency in detecting drug dealers combined with persisting faults in the area of gathering evidence that would make it possible to indict specific persons in such cases. Another problem that can still be hardly called serious in Poland is punitive policy of courts with respect to drug offenders. Quite the contrary: there was a lot to indicate even in the eighties that the policy towards such offenders was even more liberal compared to the treatment received by other offenders. This was demonstrated by the role of fine as a selfstanding penalty, imposed much more often on drug offenders, and also by the more frequent staying of sentences. Of course, this situation resulted chiefly fiom the above-mentioned specific structure of the Polish drug crime. Traditionally prevailing among those guilty of the offence of illegal poppy cultivation were farmers, who whether intentionally ignored or were not aware of the limitations imposed on poppy cultivation by the 1985 Act. Among the illegal manufacturers of drugs, in turn, a considerable proportion were addicts who manufactured the Polish home-made heroin for themselves. Again, one can hardly speak of drug business in such cases. Most of the offenders were not profit-seekers. This means that under the 1985 Drug Control Act, Polish courts most seldom had to do with the "real" and "serious" drug crime - the long-established everyday routine of courts in most of the developed West-European and North-American countries where that crime absorbs a considerable portion of forces, means and energy of the local law enforcement. What is more, transformations of the Polish drug scene - reported by the police and the media - have so far been but slightly reflected in the work of Polish courts and in their penal policy. Again, the question remains open to what extent this situation might change over the next few years.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 81-121
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Podejrzani o dokonanie zgwałceń działający indywidualnie i w grupach (w świetle danych statystyki milicyjnej)
Persons Suspected of Individual or Group Sexual Assaults in 1969
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Syzduł, Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699186.pdf
Data publikacji:
1972
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
podejrzany
zgwałcenie
statystyka policyjna
police statistics
person suspected
sexual assaults
Opis:
The compilation present data based on police records on persons suspected of sexual assaults in 1969, broken down into suspects who acted alone, with one other person, and groups of three, four and five (or more).  
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 304-317
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1970-1974 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie
Offences cleared up in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. Data based on police statistics
Autorzy:
Mościskier, Andrzej
Syzduł, Edward
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699298.pdf
Data publikacji:
1976
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
materiały statystyczne
statystyki policyjne
crime
statistic materials
police statistics
Opis:
The publication compiles data from police records on the offences cleared up in Poland in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. In view of the legislation changes that have taken place in Poland in the meantime, a comparison of the data presented now with those of 1965- 1969 and published in volume five of the Archives of Criminology is very difficult. In Poland since 1970 a new Penal Code has been in force and since 1972 a Contravention Code. On the basis of the latter some petty offences (to which a theft of a property worth less than 500 zlotys was included) were recognized as petty misdemeanours.  
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1976, VII; 287-328
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozbój i sprawcy rozboju
Robbery and its perpetrators
Autorzy:
Łukaszewicz, Zdzisław
Szymanowski, Teodor
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699184.pdf
Data publikacji:
1960
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
rozbój
sprawcy rozboju
badania
Polska
statystyka kryminalna
napad rabunkowy
miasta
wsie
robbery
perpetrators of robbery
research
Polska
criminal statistics
cities
villages
police statistics
villges
Opis:
In the period immediately following the end robberies of the hostilities the number of recorded in polish police statistics was very high. In 1945 there were 26 471 robberies recorded, and 23 987 in 1946. As from 1947 onwards that number underwent a visible and considerable decrease, which found its expression in the figures of 10 231, 5224, 3018 and 2089 for the years 1947, 1948, 1949 and 1950 respectively. In later years, beginning with 1955, an increase in the number of robberies was once more recorded; that number reached the figure of 3185 in 1957. The coefficient of robberies (as per 100 000 of the inhabitants) amounted to 7.6 in 1954 and to 8.9 in 1958. The highest coefficients were recorded in the capital city of Warsaw, in Łódź, the second largest city in the country, in the voivodeship of Katowice and in the western voivodeships, consequently in industrial regions and areas with large numbers of inhabitants who had immigrated there from other parts of the country. While, in 1958, this coefficient for rural areas amounted to 4.6, in the cities and towns it was as high as 13.8, in cities of more than 200 000 inhabitants the same coefficient amounted to as much as 21.3. It ought to be noted that in the immediate post-war period, i.e. the years 1945 to 1946 the largest number of robberies were committed in rural areas, and a very big percentage of them consisted in armed robberies, committed by bands armed with firearms. By 1958 robberies committed arms in hand constituted a mere 10.4 per cent of the total number. The number of robberies involving manslaughter amounted to an average of 50 yearly in the years 1954 to 1958. Below we shall discuss the results of the examination of 302 judicial records concerning 474 perpetrators of robbery convicted in 1955; such examination has been undertaken in order to find out what robberies in recent period looked like and out of what kind of offenders their perpetrators were recruited. Investigation has comprised 63 per cent of all the persons convicted of robbery in 1955 by all the courts in the country; the rack of any selection in collecting such records allows us to treat the material collected as representative for robbery in Poland in this period. Our materials comprised 94.1 per cent of men and 5.9 per cent of women. 36.2 per cent of the perpetrators acted singly, 34.7 per cent of them - in twos, 17.3 per cent - in threes, and only 11.8 per cent in larger groups. 32,4 per cent of all the robberies were committed in the countryside, and 67.6 per cent of them - in the cities and towns, an overwhelming majority of them in cities of above 100 000 inhabitants. The perpetrators of robbery are, as a rule, young people: 69.5 per cent of those convicted of robbery were below 26 years of age. Only 13.2 per cent of the perpetrators were over 30. 78.3 per cent of the convicts lived in the cities and towns, 21.7 per cent of them - in the countryside; part of the offenders who now live in towns recruit from the rural population recently arrived in the towns. Part of the robberies in rural areas were perpetrated by persons recently living in towns, and who went to the country in order to perpetrate a robbery. Nearly all those convicted of robbery who lived in cities and towns figure in the records as workers (95.7 per cent of them), but 50 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery did not work in the period immediately preceding the commission of robbery. As far as the convicts who lived in the country are concerned, only 17.5 per cent of them have been recorded as farmers, while 77.7 per cent said they were workers. The percentage of non-working persons is high, as it amounts to 37.8 per cent. The perpetrators of robbery have had plenty of criminal experience behind them. In spite of the lack of complete data covering the period up to 17 years of age it appears that out of 474 perpetrators of robbery 320 had already committed at least one criminal offence in the past. The percentage of recidivism in this sense of the word consequently amounts to 67.5 per cent. The data concerning the criminal past of these 320 offenders present the following picture: 60.3 per cent of those convicted of robbery had committed one or two offences in the past, 20.6 per cent - three or four offences, 19.1 per cent - five or more offences. When we analyze the kinds of offences previously committed by the 320 recidivists, we are in a position  to select the following groups among them: a) 22.3 per cent of the recidivists had already committed robberies in the past, along with other offences, which, as a rule, were thefts; b) 42 per cent of the recidivists had committed only thefts in the past; c) 10.6 per cent of them committed mostly thefts, but also offences against authorities and offices, as weII as injury to the body (acting from hooligan motives); d) 14.8 per cent committed almost exclusively offences of a hooligan character; e) 10.8 per cent of the recidivists committed various other offenses, not previously enumerated. As can be seen from the above, the criminal past of the perpetrators of robbery is far from uniform, while with the majority dominate of the recidivists there, offences against property, nearly all of them thefts (74 per cent). A very large majority of the recidivists were town-dwellers (84.5 per cent), 58.6 per cent of the recidivists were under 26 years of age, but the share of recidivists among the perpetrators of robbery increases in the older age groups. Among the convicts aged from 26 to 30 years there were 70.7 per cent of recidivists, among those aged 31 to 40 years – 75.5 per cent of recidivists. Thus the majority of the older perpetrators of robbery consists of recidivists. Very essential are the differences which occur between the robberies committed in the towns and those committed in rural areas. A typical town robbery is perpetrated with the use of violence (86 per cent), which, as a rule, boils down to the aggressor beating up his victim. The place where robberies take place are, in 56 per cent of the cases, streets, squares and parks, in 12.4 per cent of the cases - suburban groves, fields while it only in exceptional cases that we have to do with assaults with the purpose of robbery at home (6.6 per cent), just like robberies of shops (7.1 per cent). On the other hand, robbery in the countryside is done with using violence (beating up) only in 46 per cent of the cases, and in 54 per cent of the cases with the use of threats, frequently supported with a show of weapons or mock-revolvers. The place where robberies are committed are roads, fields and forests in 52 per cent of the cases, and the dwelling or croft of the victim in 33 per cent. The value of the loss sustained by the victim did not exceed 500 zlotys in 37 per cent of the cases in towns and 30 per cent of the cases in the countryside. Robberies in which the victims sustained big losses exceeding 5000 zlotys amounted to only 7.1 per cent in the towns and to 22.6 per cent in the countryside. It should be added that in the robberies involving the use of violence (73 per cent of the total number of robberies) it was only in 22 per cent of the cases, both in town and country, that the victims sustained more serious bodily harm, which caused serious injury of the body. In the remaining cases we have to do with beating up, causing only sight injury of the body, or even merely an infringement of bodily inviolability. As for the towns, special attention is deserved by the numerous category of robberies on passers-by (55.4 per cent of the total) perpetrated, without any previous planning, in the streets, in the evening or at night, as a rule, by young men in a state of ebriety, 61 per cent of whom had already been punished by the law-courts previously. An interesting fact is that, in the towns, really only one-third of the robberies comprised by the material under investigation can be described as having previously planned and prepared. For, indeed, with, part of the robberies classified as the planned ones we have to do with offenders with whom the intention of committing offence has arisen in special circumstances, after having met a drunken individual in a restaurant. After thus striking acquaintance and, usually, a common consumption of alcohol such offenders entice their victim to some out-of-the-way place (frequently with the participation of women), where, after severely beating up their victim, they rob him of money, watch, etc. Among such offenders there is also a very large percentage of recidivists, as well as of young individuals who systematically abuse alcohol. Research on robbery brings to light the importance of the problem of young adult delinquents. 69.5 per cent of the perpetrators of robbery are below 25 years of age. The majority of them are recidivists who, in spite of their youth, mix with a criminal environment and refuse to do any work. The remaining ones, who constitute about 40 per cent of the total number, are to be sure, individuals not previously punished by the law-courts and seemingly leading a normal life, but highly demoralized, with a clearly hooligan attitude; all of them systematically abuse alcohol. With regard to such juvenile offenders it is indispensable to apply a special penitentiary policy, based on Borstal principles.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 215-239
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kształtowanie się przestępczości nieletnich w Polsce w latach 1951-1960 w świetle statystyki sądowej
Juvenile Delinquency in Poland in the Years 1951-1960 in the Light of Judicial Statistics
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699286.pdf
Data publikacji:
1964
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość nieletnich
statystyka sądowa
nieletni recydywiści
juvenile delinquency
judicial statistics
juvenile recidivism
Opis:
In accordance with the criminal legislation in force in Poland, the term of juvenile delinquents comprises those persons who have committed a criminal offence before completing their seventeenth year of age. Such juveniles are prosecuted, as a rule, before special juvenile courts; they may be sentenced only to the application of various kinds of educational means, or be placed in a correctional institution. The subject of the present contribution is an analysis of the statistical materials connected with the juvenile persons found guilty within the ten years 1951- 1960. Such materials, making up the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency, are formed by adding up the records from record cards filled by the law-courts - in every single case where educational and correctional means have been decreed with regard to a juvenile person. Consequently, the above statistics are in Poland, as, incidentally, in a great many other countries, those of findings of guilt, and not of the persons found guilty; every juvenile person is counted there as many times as the application of such means was decreed with regard to him. The data contained in such and similar statistics are known not to provide information about the actual dimensions of juvenile delinquency. A sporadic perpetration of certain minor offences, particularly theft, is extremely widespread among the totality of children and young people, and the perpetrators of such offences brought to light and prosecuted before the law-courts constitute but an insignificant percentage of the total number of juveniles who have committed this or that offence. Independently of the above-mentioned record cards, which furnish us with a great many data concerning the juveniles found guilty, there exist other sources of information concerning a certain even wider category of juveniles, namely those, against whom there was a suspicion, at some stage or other of the prosecution, that they were the perpetrators of offences: special court reports and police statistics. The data taken from judicial reports inform us that the juvenile courts dealt, in the years 1951 to 1960, with 25,000 to 38,000 cases of juvenile delinquents every year. Approximately 56 to 61 per cent, of those juveniles with regard to whom the application of educational and delinquents every year. consisted of persons correctional means was decreed (i. e. the juveniles found guilty), from 20 to discontinued in the 31 per cent. - juveniles, prosecution against whom was of preparatory proceedings, 6 to 11 per cent. - the juveniles acquitted, - those, whose cases were dealt with in some other ordinary law-court, course and 7 to 12 per cent. –(most frequently by making the case over to an because of the suspect person having completed 17 years of age). quite exceptionally appealed against by the Public Prosecutor, and very rarely by the accused themselves (in a mere cent, of the cases). In at least one-half of the total number of cases maintained in force by the courts way The decrees of juvenile courts are 3 to 5 per of appeal the decrees appealed against are of appeal. It was only in very few cases that the alteration of the decrees appealed against found their expression in the finding guilty of a juvenile acquitted, or else in acquitting one found guilty; mostly they consist in changing the educational means of the making accused over to a correctional institution. Between the number of juveniles, whose cases are annually dealt with by juvenile courts, and the number of juveniles suspected by the police of the perpetration of offences there were, particularly in the years 1951 - 1954, considerable differences, which showed that a large number of juveniles with whom the juvenile courts had to deal, were directed there not by the police. ? Within recent years such differences have become much smaller, so that at considered that the large majority of cases dealt with by the juvenile courts find their way there through the intermediary of the police Year                           Rate            Index number of juveniles found guilty           1951       15641        4.5                  100.0 1952       18022        5.3                  117.8   1953       21444        6.5                  144,4 1954       18495        6.0                  133,3 1955       16307        5.5                  122,2 1956       13474        4.6                  102,2 1957       15019        4.9                  108,9 1958       16821        5.1                  113,3 1959       19730        5.6                  124,4      1960       20520        5.4                  120,0     In spite of the appearance, within the ten-year period in question, of certain variations in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty, a detailed analysis of the data provided by both judicial and police statistics has demonstrated that there were no foundations for an assumption that such variations were connected with any actual increase or decrease in juvenile delinquency. The yearly frequency of juveniles being found guilty (i. e. of persons between the ages of ten and sixteen) was expressed, throughout the 1951 - 1960 period, by an average rate equal to 5.3.   In accordance with the latest data available to us from the pre-war period, namely from 1937, the number of juveniles found guilty that year amounted to 29384, while the frequency of their findings of guilt was only slightly higher than the average rate for the years 1951 - 1960; the corresponding rate amounted to 5.5. If the frequency of juveniles being found guilty were to remain, within the nearest future, on the same level as in the years 1959 - 1960 (when the rate amounted to about 5.5), then - in connection with the ever more numerous age-groups, composed of children born after the war, and now reaching the “ juvenile” age groups - the probable number of juveniles found guilty would amount to about 26320 in 1965, consequently by some 28 per cent, more than in 1960. In order to evaluate properly the amount of the findings of guilt of larger groups of juveniles over longer periods of time, the rates which inform us about the above frequency within one year only, are of no use. Therefore in order to achieve this aim we must look for other measurements of the frequency of findings of guilt. It appears particularly tempting to take for such a measurement the percentage of persons who had been found guilty of offences committed while they were still juveniles, as compared with the total number of those born within the year in question. If the above percentage be calculated with regard to the number of persons born within one calendar year at the moment when they completed seventeen years of age, that measurement will inform us, what part of the group of persons who have just become adults consists of those who had been found guilty as juvenile delinquents.    The appropriate calculations have been made for persons born in the years 1941 to 1944, i. e. for persons who are from nineteen to twenty-two years old in 1963. At the moment when they were just seventeen, from 3.5 to 3.8 per cent, of their number consisted of persons found guilty for offences committed while they were juveniles. As for boys alone, the above-mentioned percentages were of the size of from 6.3 to 6.8 per cent., which means that, approximately, every fifteenth young man born in the years 1941 to 1944 was previously found guilty of offences committed during the period when he was still a juvenile. One of the problems which a considerable deal of attention has been devoted to in the present contribution are the local differences between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty. Two aspects of the problem were disscussed: that of the differences in the size of the rates calculated for the several voyevodships, and for town and country respectively.   Even though Poland is divided into twenty-two large administrative units, called voyevodships, yet in the present contribution their number was assumed to be only seventeen; this was done by joining the five largest cities, having the status of a separate voyevodship, with the surrounding voyevodships (thus e. g. Warsaw and the voyevodship of Warsaw, Poznan and the voyevodship of Poznań, etc., have been treated as one single voyevodship). In the size of the rates, therefore, calculated on the basis of the number of the juveniles found guilty in the several voyevodships, there appeared considerable differences, which, however, proved to be smaller towards the end of the ten-year period under investigation, than they had been at its beginning. When, within each year, the voyevodships were placed in a sequence corresponding to that of the size of the coefficient of juvenile delinquency, it appeared that a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were always characteristic of some voyevodships, while others showed a relatively lower degree of frequency (W = 0.87)[1]. It also appeared that there existed a correlation between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty in various voyevodships and the degree of frequency of the convictions of young persons between the ages of seventeen and twenty (in 1955: % = 0.53; in 1957: t = 0.51)[2]; on the other hand, correlation with the intensity of adult convictions looked rather doubtful. Generally speaking, a relatively higher degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty was characteristic of the western and north-western voyevodships, while in the remaining areas of the country it was distinctly lower. Of course, the question arises of how to explain the above differences in the size of the rates. An attempt was made to provide an answer, by establishing whether the voyevodships with a high degree of frequency of findings of guilt were also those where such phenomena, thought to affect the increase or decrease of juvenile delinquency, appeared. For this purpose a number of demographic data of various kinds have been made use of, viz. those showing the characteristic features of , above all the dimensions and intensity of population migrations, the process of urbanization and industrialization. The following results have been obtained.[3] The voyevodships which were characterized by the highest degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty were, as a rule, the very same voyevodships, in which the population migrations caused by the Second World War and by its consequences have attained the most considerable dimensions, as well as those, in which in the years 1952 to 1957 there was recorded the largest population increase and its smallest decrease connected with the voyevodship- to - voyevodship migrations. These were, moreover, the following voyevodships: those where a considerable part of the population drew their principal livelihood from sources other than agriculture; those where the bulk of the population consisted of town->dwellers, and finally those, where the urbanization process during the years 1950 to 1960, was most rapid as compared with the 1950 level. Marked differences have been observed in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between town and country. In the towns it was approximately three times higher than in the country (the corresponding rates, in 1960, amounted to 8.4 and 3.0, respectively). Consequently, one in every one hundred and nineteen juveniles was found guilty in towns, as compared with one in every three hundred and thirty three in the country. The lack of appropriately detailed demographic data has made impossible a more precise analysis of the frequency of juveniles being found guilty as between towns of various sizes. All we know is that, in 1960, the rate equal to 9.7 for the five largest cities, each of which has over 400,000 inhabitants, was higher than that in the -remaining towns (8.1). Judging from the 1960 data, in the voyevodships where the intensity of juvenile convictions was relatively high in the towns, it also proved to be relatively high in the country (T = 0.56). The dimensions of the intensity of juvenile convictions in the country seem to be somewhat connected with the degree of “ urbanization” of the countryside: viz. in those voyevodships, in which the frequency of findings of guilt in the country was higher than that in others, the percentage of persons, among the rural population, who drew their livelihood from trades other than agriculture being also higher (T = 0,29). Among the total number of juveniles found guilty, the enormous majority (approximately 90 per cent.) consisted of boys, whereas their percentage increased, from 89 per cent, in 1951 to 93 per cent, in 1960. Similarly, among the young people and young adults between seventeen and twenty years of age, the share of men increased within the same period. As a result of this, while in 1951 the rate for boys (7.8) was seven times higher than that for girls (1.1), by 1960 it was already as much as twelve times higher (the corresponding rates then amounted to 9.9 and 0.8 respectively). The frequency of boys being found guilty was expressed by a mean rate amounting to 9.7, while that for girls was 1.0; in the period under investigation, therefore on an average one boy in one hundred and Tyree was found guilty, and one girl in a thousand, both of them within the age groups of from ten to sixteen years of age. Relative differences in the frequency of juveniles being found guilty which appeared as between the several voyevodships exhibited marked features of constancy, for boys (W = 0.85), as well as for girls (W = 0.82). It has also turned out that for both boys and girls, there existed a correlationbetween the frequency of their being found guilty in the several voyevodships, and the degree of frequency, in the voyevodships in question, of the above social phenomena which strongly affect juvenile delinquency. In the years 1959 and 1960 the frequency of boys being found guilty was more than ten times higher than that of girls, bath for town-dwellers and for village-dwellers. The number of juveniles found guilty gradually increases as we pass from the junior to the senior age groups. Among the total number of juveniles found guilty there were three to four times less ten-year-olds than there were fourteen-, fifteen-, or sixteen-year-olds. The average degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty within the several age groups was as follows within the period under investigation (in rates per 1000 persons in the corresponding age groups): 10-year-olds   2.4 11-year-olds   3.5  12-year-olds  4.8 13-year-olds  6.3 14-year-olds  7.1 15-year-olds  7.7 16-year-olds  6.6     The fact that the rate obtained for 16-year-olds is lower than that for 15-year-olds results from the author’s inability (because of the lack of the appropriate data) to take into consideration to a sufficient extent approximately twenty to thirty per cent, of the 16-year-olds, namely those who were convicted by ordinary law-courts after having completed their seventeenth year of age, and consequently when they were already adults.   Within the 1951 through 1960 period the average age of the juveniles found guilty in the successive years underwent changes connected, to some extent at least, with the total number of juveniles in the several year-groups. While in 1951 the average age of the juveniles found guilty was 14.0 years, by 1955- 1957 it had reached 14,2 years and subsequently it gradually dropped to 13.8 years in 1960. The above observation has proved to be very important: for, indeed, it was the changes in the juveniles’ age that made it possible for us to explain a number of discrepancies found to occur in the information concerning the juveniles found guilty in various years of the period under investigation.   The average concentration of conviction rates for boys and girls, as well as the quotient of their respective numbers are as follows in the period under investigation for the several age-groups within a year:                          Boys     Girls         for 100 boys found guilty there                                                         were girls found guilty   10-year-old      4.3      0.3            6,8 11-year-old      6. 5      0.4           6.6    12-year-old      8.9      0.6.           7.0       13-year-old     11.6     0.9           7.2 14-year-old     12. 9.  1.2            9.4 15-year-old      13.5   1.9           13.9 16-year-old.     11.2   2.0           17.2 The above remarks concerning the value of the rates for 16-year-olds, as well as the changes in the average ages of those found guilty, naturally also apply both to boys and to girls. In every year of the 1951 to 1960 period the girls found guilty were, on average, older than the boys found guilty; the differences between their average ages have proved to be statistically significant[4]. The girls found guilty within the 1959 to 1960 period were also significantly older while than the boys found guilty in the same years, only for town-dwellers, the difference was not significant for village-dwellers. It has also been established that the boys found guilty within the same years and living in towns were significantly younger than those living in the country, while no such differences have been found to occur in the case of girls. The frequency of findings of guilt of the oldest age-groups of juvenile boys from the towns has assumed serious proportions:, in 1959 and 1960 from 2.0 per cent, to 2.7 per cent, of the total number of town-dwelling 14 to 16-year-old boys were annually found guilty. Among the 20,520 juveniies found guilty in 1960 - 15,927 (77.6 per cent.) had both parents living, 3,650 (17.8 per cent.) had only a mother, 720 (3.5 per cent.) had only a father, while a mere 223 (1.1 per cent.) were orphans. In the years 1953 to 1956 the family situation of the juveniles found guilty assumed even less favourable proportions: a bare two-thirds of their number had both parents living, half-orphans constituted about thirty per cent., while complete orphans from 3 to 4 per cent.   The percentage of juveniles who were actually under the guardianship of both parents was, in every single year, lower by several per cent, than the percentage of those who had both parents alive. Approximately one in every four or five juveniles found guilty was under the guardianship of a solitary mother (either widowed or else deserted by her husband).   On the basis of judicial statistics alone it is impossible to form a proper opinion of what social strata the juveniles found guilty were recruited from. Only indirect and but vaguely approximate information concerning that may be found in the data on the kind of occupation of the parents or guardians of the juvenile in question; for the years 1953 to 1960 they presented the following picture: juveniles whose parents (guardians) were manual workers amounted to from 60 to 62 per cent., the children of white-collar workers - from 9 to 10 per cent., farmers (the enormous majority of them had farms of their own) - from 19 to 22 per cent., artisans working in their own workshops or small traders - from 1 to 2 per cent.; the remaining few per cent, of juveniles consisted of those, whose parents or guardians remained without any permanent occupation, or of juveniles who had neither parents nor guardians. Among the juveniles found guilty every year from 81 to 88 per cent, committed offences against property (as a rule, of theft); most them had committed crimes against the property of private citizens, while the remaining ones - against social property. Juveniles prosecuted for crimes against life and health accounted for from 3 to 6 per cent.., for sexual offences - for from 0.7 to 1.4 per cent., for forgery of documents - for from 0.5 to 2.1 per cent., while a few per cent, were found guilty every year of various other kinds of criminal offences. The perpetrators of serious crimes (such as homicide, manslaughter, serious bodily damage, robbery, rape, intimacy with minors below fifteen years of age) accounted for a mere few per cent, of the total number of the juveniles found guilty. Between the structure of the delinquency of the town-dwelling and that of the village-dwelling juveniles, as well as between that of boys and girls, certain minor differences were recorded, which – as proved by test x2 - were statistically significant. Age proved to be a factor which seriously influenced the structure of juvenile delinquency, as we move from the younger to the older age-groups, their criminality becoming more and more differentiated. Thus, e.g. in 1960 those prosecuted for the perpetration of offences against property accounted for 92 per cent, of the 10-year-olds found guilty, while only for 76 per cent, of the 16-year-olds; in the case of those prosecuted for offences against life and health the appropriate figures were 3 per cent, and 11 per cent, respectively, in sexual offences: 0.2 in document forgery: 0.1 per cent, and 1.4 per cent. Similarly the kinds of theft, the offence most frequently committed by juveniles, assumed various aspects, in accordance with their perpetrators. It appeared that certain changes in the structure of juvenile delinquency, which came to light in the course of the 1955 to 1960 period, were almost exclusively connected with the decrease in the average age of the juveniles found guilty during those years. One of the age pieces of information concerning the offence for which a juvenile was prosecuted before the courts, consists of the data recorded on the registration card, whether he or she has committed his or her offence individually or else in co-operation with other persons. Even though the entries on the registration card do not contain any information as to the character of the bond which united the juvenile to the persons who have perpetrated offences together with him, yet it could be assumed - on the basis of the results of special research on that problem - that, in every single case those found guilty of offences committed together with at least two fellow-perpetrators, were members of gangs of juvenile delinquents.                    The juveniles prosecuted for offences committed in a group (i.e. along with two or more fellow-perpetrators) constituted a considerable percentage of those annually found guilty (from 34 to 39 per cent.), a percentage only slightly lower than that of juveniles prosecuted for offences individually (from 38 to 43 per cent.). As could be surmised, the percentage of juveniles who committed offences on committed ones group was actually even higher in proportion to the total number of juveniles found guilty; for, indeed as a many of such juveniles were recorded in judicial statistics among the accused found guilty of the commission of offences perpetrated together with one fellow-perpetrator.   The percentage of juveniles who co-operated with adults (who were, as young adults, between seventeen and twenty years of age) in no single year of the period under investigation exceeded 9 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty of committing offences together with other persons. The considerable importance which is ascribed, in the etiology of juvenile delinquency, to groups, has encouraged the author to check the question of whether, in the voyevodships with a relatively high frequency of juveniles being found guilty, those found guilty of the commitment of crimes perpetrated in a group were also relatively more numerous. That assumption was proved to be well-founded: for the data from the successive years of the 1957 to 1960 period the values of t obtained remained within years the range of from 0.50 to 0.60.   High percentages of juveniles found guilty of offences committed in a group (from 45 to 55 per cent.) among the total number of juveniles found guilty in the voyevodship in question, as well as low percentages (from 25 to 30 per cent.) were recorded in approximately the same voyevodships, in the 1957 to 1960 (W = 0.74).   Both the above observations also apply to boys, while in the case of girls, we lack foundations for considering that the territorial distribution of the girls who had committed offences in a group was connected with the degree of frequency of their being found guilty.   Neither has the assumption found its confirmation that there could exist a connection between the degree of frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the frequency of adult persons appearing in groups of juveniles. Cases of committing offences in a group were considerably more frequent for boys (from 36 to 41 per cent.) than girls (from 9 to 12 per cent.); approximately three-fourths of the girls found guilty were prosecuted for offences committed individually, while for boys the corresponding figure was only slightly above one-third. A marked dependence has been found to exist between the sex of a juvenile and the fact of his or her committing offences individually or else in groups. The juveniles who committed offences in groups have proved to be than those who committed them individually; this significantly younger observation holds for both boys and girls. Significant differences have been found to exist between the structure of the delinquency of the juveniles who acted as a group, and those who committed offences individually; these found their expression, foremost, in the juveniles who belonged to gangs of juvenile offenders frequently committing offences against property. On the basis of the materials contained in the judicial statistics only formal recidivism could be stated to exist, consequently it was possible to find out how many (and what kind of) juveniles found guilty e.g. within any given calendar year had already been found guilty before. Even such data, however, are far from complete; this is connected, in particular, with certain peculiarities of Polish criminal procedure, as of the recording of the findings of guilt of juveniles in judicial statis- first and more well as with the scope tics. Some of the more important among the data mentioned above are as follows: The percentages of recidivists among the juveniles found guilty within every single year of the 1953 to 1960 period were found within the range of from 12 per cent, to 18 per cent. About four-fifths of the recidivists consisted of juveniles who had only 1 In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to one appearance in court in the past; there were less than one hundred juveniles yearly who had previously been found guilty three times, and merely from fifteen to thirty who had been found guilty four or more times. An analysis of the local differences between the percentages of recidivists among the total number of juveniles in the several voyevodships has led to the conclusion that there did not exist any correlation between the degree of frequency of findings of guilt and the formal recidivism of juveniles. Juvenile recidivists were considerably more numerous among those found guilty who lived in cities and towns (from 14 per cent, to 23 per cent.) than among those who lived in the country (from 6 per cent, to 10 per cent.), considerably more numerous among boys (from 12 per cent, to 19 per cent.) than among girls (from 5 per cent, to 10 per cent.), among older offenders than among younger ones, among orphans and half-orphans than among those juveniles who were under the guardianship of both parents.   The structure of the delinquency of juvenile recidivists differed signifi- cantly from the structure of the delinquency of those juveniles who were prosecuted for the first time; in particular, juvenile recidivists were more frequently prosecuted for offences against property than were non-recidivists. Among those data of the judicial statistics of juvenile delinquency which have not been discussed in the present contribution, particularly noteworthy is the information concerning the amount of school education received by the juveniles found guilty. Even though, in the course of the period under investigation, the situation in so far as their training was concerned underwent a considerable improvement, it is still most unfavourable in various respects.    In the years 1954 to 1958 barely from 61 to 65 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty attended school (by 1960 the percentage had increased to 81); in the same years from 20 to 25 per cent, of the total number of juveniles found guilty neither attended school nor worked (in 1960 - 13 per cent.). The percentage of those not attending school at an age of below 14 years (i.e. those still within the school-attending age) 1[5] was by several per cent, higher among the juveniles found guilty in all age groups than it was among all the children in Poland (in whose case it did not exceed 1 or 2 per cent.).   The belatedness in school curriculum of the juveniles found guilty was enormous and considerably exceeded the belatedness to be met with among the total number of school children in Poland.   Among the latter there were - depending on the class attended - from two-thirds to nine-tenths of the total number of pupils who had the age proper for the class in question, while among the juveniles found guilty who attended school there were (in the majority of the classes attended) considerably below one-half such pupils. The percentages of juveniles belated by three or more years in their school curriculum were many times higher among the juveniles found guilty than they were among the total number of school children.   The education level of those juveniles who had abandoned learning and were found guilty in the 1954 through 1960 demonstrated that barely from 36 per cent, to 46 per cent, of them finished the seven-class obligatory elementary education.   21. The materials contained in judicial statistics also make possible an analysis of the law-courts’ policy in the field of decreeing educational and correctional means, as well as providing some information on the application of the means mentioned above. The presentation of the results of such an analysis, however, would require a separate publication.   [1] This dependence was fixed by making use of Kendall’s coefficient of concordance W. (Cf. M. C. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). In this case, as well as in all the others, the values of statistical tests have been provided, when the hypothesis of the independence of the variables investigated could be rejected at least at a level of significance of 0.05. [2] For the purpose of establishing the relation between the two rankings use was made of Kendall’s rank correlation coefficient %. (Cf: M.G. Kendall: Rank Correlation Methods, London 1955). [3] As a measurement of the correlation between the frequency of juveniles being found guilty and the several demographic variables investigated the rank correlation coefficient, was accepted. [4] Cf. H. Cramer: Mathematical Methods of Statistics (Polish translation, Warszawa 1958). [5] In 1956 the compulsory school attendance (comprising seven classes of the elementary school) was extended to sixteen years of age, and in 1961 even to 18 years, comprising eight classes of the elementary school.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1964, II; 9-144
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The unspoken phenomenon: Forced labour in Hungary
Przemilczane zjawisko: praca przymusowa na Węgrzech
Autorzy:
Windt, Szandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375676.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021-05-27
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
praca przymusowa
wykorzystanie
statystyki przestępczości
ofiary
forced labour
exploitation
criminal statistics
victims
Opis:
According to official criminal statistics, a total of 36 registered forced labour crimes were committed in Hungary between 2013 and 2019. Forced labour (Section 193 of the Criminal Code) was a separate statutory element in Hungary between July 1, 2013 and June 30, 2020. In 2019, nearly 40 forced labour cases were analysed, the sociological and criminological characteristics of which are summarised and shown in this article following the statistical review. Based on the cases we examined, it can be said that the victim has alcohol problems, is homeless and unemployed, is in extremely poor health condition, has a low intellectual level and is elderly. In terms of their gender, there was a significant number of men among the victims of forced labour. Victims of forced labour and those crimes that were committed against them are even more hidden, even more difficult to detect and to prove than are acts of sexual exploitation. These people are a ‘hidden population’, statuses such as ‘subtenants’ or ‘accepted relatives’ obviously do not reveal the real situation to police officers arriving on the scene. It is possible that this situation prevails for years and is not brought to the authorities.
According to official criminal statistics, a total of 36 registered forced labour crimes were committed in Hungary between 2013 and 2019. Forced labour (Section 193 of the Criminal Code) was a separate statutory element in Hungary between July 1, 2013 and June 30, 2020. In 2019, nearly 40 forced labour cases were analysed, the sociological and criminological characteristics of which are summarised and shown in this article following the statistical review. Based on the cases we examined, it can be said that the victim has alcohol problems, is homeless and unemployed, is in extremely poor health condition, has a low intellectual level and is elderly. In terms of their gender, there was a significant number of men among the victims of forced labour. Victims of forced labour and those crimes that were committed against them are even more hidden, even more difficult to detect and to prove than are acts of sexual exploitation. These people are a ‘hidden population’, statuses such as ‘subtenants’ or ‘accepted relatives’ obviously do not reveal the real situation to police officers arriving on the scene. It is possible that this situation prevails for years and is not brought to the authorities.   Jak podają oficjalne statystyki dotyczące przestępczości, w latach 2013-2016 na Węgrzech zarejestrowano 36 przestępstw związanych z pracą przymusową. W okresie od 1 lipca 2013 r. do 30 czerwca 2020 r. czyn ten był odrębnym przestępstwem uregulowanym w art. 193 węgierskiego kodeksu karnego. W niniejszym artykule zostały przedstawione wyniki przeprowadzonych analiz – statystycznej, jak i socjologiczno-kryminologicznej dotyczącej charakterystyki 40 przypadków ofiar pracy przymusowej. Na ich podstawie można stwierdzić, że ofiary tego rodzaju przestępstwa to osoby mające problem z alkoholem, bezdomne, bezrobotne, których stan zdrowia można określić jako zły, a poziom intelektualny jako niski. Zwykle to osoby w podeszłym wieku. Wśród ofiar przeważają mężczyźni. Ofiary pracy przymusowej trudno jest zidentyfikować, a popełnione przeciwko nim przestępstwa trudno wykryć. Jest to jeszcze trudniejsze niż w przypadku przestępstwa wykorzystania seksualnego. Ofiary pracy przymusowej stanowią bowiem „ukrytą” grupę. O ich faktycznej sytuacji trudno dowiedzieć się choćby funkcjonariuszom policji w trakcie interwencji na miejscu zdarzenia, a to z uwagi na fakt, że ofiary przedstawia się jako dalekich krewnych lub osoby podnajmujące mieszkanie. Niewykluczone, że sytuacje takie trwają wiele lat, a informacje o nich nie docierają do władz.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2021, XLIII/1; 119-141
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość w Warszawie w 1992 r. (Analiza Statystyczna)
Crime in Warsaw in 1992 (Statistical Analysis)
Autorzy:
Gruszczyńska, Beata
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699066.pdf
Data publikacji:
1994
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
Warszawa
1992
analiza statystyczna
statystyki policyjne
delinquency
Warsaw
statistical analysis
police statistics
Opis:
This work contains a statistical analysis of crime in Warsaw in 1992 based on the data on crime recorded by the Warsaw Police Headquarters. Changes in the dynamics, structure, and spatial distribution of crime in the years 1988 to 1992 are shown in accordance with the city’s basic administrative division into 17 districts.Territorial differentiation of crime in areas subordinated to the separate police stations (47) is shown in figures and maps of rates and changes in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991. Separated because of their specific nature are typical big city areas, neighborhoods of railway stations and the airport, as well as suburbs.             Changes in crime recorded in Warsaw in 1989‒1992 were relatively much greater than those found on the national scale. An exception here was the year 1990 when a similar growth in the proportion of recorded offences took place both in Warsaw and Poland – by 64% and 61% respectively as compared 1989. After a rapid growth of recorded crime staring in 1989, a downward trend began in 1991 at a pace that was higher in Warsaw than all over Poland.             In 1992, the crime rate (mean numbers of offences recorded yearly per  100 thousand of the population of a given area) in Warsaw was 2.3 times higher than the national average which was a drop as compared to 1990 and 1991 when the indices were 2.7 and 2.6 respectively.             Changes in the extent of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw in 1989‒1992 have been depicted by chain indices of dynamics. The values of those indices manifest considerable differences in the changes in crime between the separate districts, and occurrence of opposing trends in succeeding years. The districts that had the greatest growth in crime in 1990 (Mokotów, Ochota, Praga Południe, Żoliborz) showed the greatest drop next year (1991). A similar trend could be found in 1992 in the districts of Praga Północ and Śródmieście (an increase, relatively high as compared to the other districts, followed by the greatest decrease). These findings may evidence both “displacement” of real crime, and the impact of other factors related to the activities of the police and public prosecutor’s office (in the spheres of both crime prevention and control, and the methods of recording offences).             As shown by analysis of the rates and structure of crime in the separate disricts of Warsaw, the different areas of the city are much differentiated in this repect. In 1991 and 1992, differentiation of the rates crime was three times higher as compared to 1990.             The highest crime rates could be found in Śródmieście – 10265.1, and Praga Północ – 6145.5; this resulted, among other things, from concentration of economic life and a high mobility of the population in those districts which stay busy for twenty-four hours a day. The lowest mean crime rates were found in Mokotów (3664). The next stage of statistical analysis of crime recorded by the police in Warsaw consists in the presentation of the territorial differentiation of crime in the areas of operation of the separate police stations. Differentiation of the crime  rates was very high, ranging from 1,700 offences per 100 thousand of the population recorded at the 3rd station to 27,559 recorded at the 17th station (in Śródmieście district). At the  same time, as was the case with crime analysed by city districts, a reverse trend of the changes in rates and intensity of crime could be found. In some areas which, admittedly, had the relatively lowest crime rates in 1992, there was a relatively high growth in crime as compared to 1991. In Śródmieście  district, despite the drop in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991 (which was the highest at the 17th station ‒ by 31% and the lowest at the 26th station – by 8%) the crime rates per 100 thousand of the population proved among the highest. This may confirm the thesis as to “displacement” of crime. On the  other hand, it may also result from different relations between the extent of real crime and that of recorded offences. What speaks for these latter conclusions are the results of regression and correlation analysis which manifest a significant correlation between the rates of recorded crime in general and offences against property: thefts of private property and breaking and entering of private buildings where the “dark numer” is high. Therefore, the distribution of crime in Warsaw is determined by offences against property where evaluation of the numer of  undetected offences is particularly difficult. As follows from the police data, the clearance rate of crime in Warsaw was differentiated according to both type and site of the offence. The highest mean clearance rate was found in Ochota district (27.5%), and the lowest in Praga Północ (16.3%). The probability of successful detection was highest with respect to traffic offences (0.93) and lowest in cases of breaking and entering (0.05). Clearance rate was highly differentiated (57%) in the case of car burglaries. The relatively highest probability of detection was found in Wola district (0.16), the lowest ‒ in Żoliborz (0.033) and Śródmieście  (0.038). The probability of detection of offences against persons in Warsaw in 1992 was about 0.6 (e.g. 60%), and against property – several per cent. The differentiation of both the dynamics and structure of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw and in areas of the separate police stations within the districts again confirms the thesis as to existence of areas that are particularly threatened with crime – the crime-generating areas. On the other hand, this differentiation suggests a large and indefinite numer of unrevealed or unrecorded offences. The present analysis, part of a study on the state of safety in Warsaw  initiated by the Superintendent of Warsaw Police and the Major of Warsaw,  confirmed the need for improving the data gathering system, securing the continuity of data, and the use of computer data carriers.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 137-153
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Crime and criminality in the Republic of North Macedonia. A general overview of the period 1991–2018
Przestępczość w Republice Macedonii Północnej w latach 1991–2018
Autorzy:
Bacanovic, Oliver
Stanojoska, Angelina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/1375575.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020-05-11
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
crime
criminality
Republic of North Macedonia
statistics
przestępstwo
przestępczość
Republika Macedonii Północnej
statystyki
cyberprzestępczość
cybercrime
Opis:
Yugoslavia’s disintegration in the 1990s resulted in the differentiation of five different countries, meaning the building of five different criminal legal systems with many similarities at that time, but also with differences in the years to come. The Republic of North Macedonia brought its first Criminal Code in 1996, decriminalising some of the previous crimes connected to socialist system norms, and criminalising activities characteristic of capitalist social systems. From its basic draft, the Criminal Code had been changed twenty-eight times by 2018 in accordance with crime changes and flows, and societal changes. Using crime statistics published by the Republic of North Macedonia’s State Statistical Office in an annual publication, ‘Perpetrators of Crimes’, this paper’s goal will be to present the trends in crime volume and dynamics, the changes in the breakdownof crimes as result of decriminalisation and criminalisation, and the possible future challenges and changes, as well as the trends and changes to the state’s criminal policy, the frequent use of imprisonment as a sanction, and the very rare use of alternative measures apart from probation. The authors will use the comparative method, basic statistics, and content analysis in the general overview of crime volume and dynamics, crime structure, and structural changes. Such an analysis can help in tackling the most important chronological points during the period in question and connect them with political, social, security, and economic challenges for the country.
Yugoslavia’s disintegration in the 1990s resulted in the differentiation of five different countries, meaning the building of five different criminal legal systems with many similarities at that time, but also with differences in the years to come. The Republic of North Macedonia brought its first Criminal Code in 1996, decriminalising some of the previous crimes connected to socialist system norms, and criminalising activities characteristic of capitalist social systems. From its basic draft, the Criminal Code had been changed twenty-eight times by 2018 in accordance with crime changes and flows, and societal changes. Using crime statistics published by the Republic of North Macedonia’s State Statistical Office in an annual publication, ‘Perpetrators of Crimes’, this paper’s goal will be to present the trends in crime volume and dynamics, the changes in the breakdownof crimes as result of decriminalisation and criminalisation, and the possible future challenges and changes, as well as the trends and changes to the state’s criminal policy, the frequent use of imprisonment as a sanction, and the very rare use of alternative measures apart from probation. The authors will use the comparative method, basic statistics, and content analysis in the general overview of crime volume and dynamics, crime structure, and structural changes. Such an analysis can help in tackling the most important chronological points during the period in question and connect them with political, social, security, and economic challenges for the country.   W wyniku rozpadu Jugosławii w latach 90. powstało pięć różnych krajów, co zrodziło potrzebę utworzenia pięciu różnych systemów prawa karnego. W momencie ich tworzenia były one pod wieloma względami podobne, w latach kolejnych zaczęły się jednak coraz bardziej różnić. Pierwszy kodeks karny Republiki Macedonii Północnej z 1996 r. dekryminalizował część dotychczasowych przestępstw związanych z systemem socjalistycznym i kryminalizował działania charakterystyczne dla kapitalistycznych systemów społecznych. Z uwagi na zachodzące zmiany społeczne, w tym zmieniającą się przestępczość, do 2018 r. kodeks ten był zmieniany 28 razy. W niniejszym artykule na podstawie statystyk kryminalnych Republiki Macedonii Północnej (publikowanych przez Państwowy Urząd Statystyczny w corocznej publikacji „Sprawcy Przestępstw”) autorzy starają się pokazać zmieniające się trendy w przestępczości – jej rozmiary i dynamikę, zmiany w strukturze przestępczości w wyniku kryminalizacji oraz dekryminalizacji, a także możliwe przyszłe wyzwania. W artykule scharakteryzowano również politykę kryminalną Republiki Macedonii Północnej – częste stosowanie kary pozbawienia wolności i bardzo rzadkie stosowanie środków alternatywnych, z wyjątkiem probacji. Do zbadania rozmiarów i dynamiki przestępczości, jej struktury oraz zmian w tej strukturze autorzy artykułuwykorzystali metodę porównawczą, analizę statystyczną i analizę treści. Dzięki temu możliwe było chronologiczne wypunktowanie najważniejszych zmian w badanym okresie na tle politycznym, społecznym i ekonomicznym kraju.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2020, XLII/1; 75-99
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Obraz przestępczości w Niemczech oraz w Polsce w okresie transformacji ustrojowej (wybrane aspekty)
Crime in Germany and Poland in the Period of Transformation (Selected aspects)
Autorzy:
Kury, Helmut
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Obergefell-Fuchs, Joachim
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699163.pdf
Data publikacji:
1996
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
Niemcy
Polska
okres transformacji ustrojowej
statystyki policyjne
delinquency
Germany
Polska
period of transformation
police statistics
Opis:
Among the negative side-effects of the fall of "Realsozialismus" in Central and Eastern Europe and the process of political, social and economic transformations initiated in 1989 there was a deterioration of internal safety in those countries. According to a popular opinion, this was manifested, among other things, by a growth - a rapid one in many instances - in the extent and intensity of crime, and also in negative changes of its structure which consisted in a particularly fast growth of tle most serious crime or emergence of its new and very dangerous forms, hitherto unknown in those countries. From this viewpoint, criminological literature in all those countries without exception has recently been presenting an extremely pessimistic picture of a growing threat of crime which can at any moment get out of control. As a consequence, fear of crime is growing in societies involved, and appeals can be heard more and more often from politicians that “law and order” be instituted. The present paper does not aim at negating either the growth of crime in post-Communist societies itself or the negative changes of the structure of crime. It is our aim first of all to compare the state of crime that follows from the two basic modern sources of information on this area, that is oflicial statistics of crime and victimization surveys, and to point to some related problems. The analysis is limited to two countries, Germany and Poland. Concerned in the former case is, of course, mainly analysis of phenomena found in the new federal lands of united Germany, that is the territory of former GDR, but also consequences of the union for the state of crime in Germany as a whole. One of the basic problems posed by analysis of extent, intensity and dynamics of reported crime, that is crime recorded in oflicial statistics in countries of Central and Eastern Europe, is reliability of statistical data from the period of “Realsozialismus” which serve as the point of departure of all comparisons. The growth in reported crime in the territory of former GDR has indeed been dramatic after 1990; yet the point of departure for comparisons involved here are GDR police statistics which showed the extent of reported crime as 10% of that in “old” FRG. Today, German criminologists agree that GDR crime statistics were regularly “improved” for ideological and political reasons, the real extent of crime being much higher there.             Similar problems can be found in Poland where a rapid growth in reported crime took place only once in principle, that is in 1990. Later on, the extent of reported crime became stabilized at the new level “established” in 1990. It is highly improbable that the impact of social and economic reform on crime in Poland was limited to a “big bang” in 1990 and then ceased. Also here, we dealt rather with a specific statistical artifact and not with a single rapid growth in the extent of crime. What also speaks for this thesis is the fact that crime used to be “under-recorded” in police statistics in Poland as well through a policy of extremely selective reception by the police of information about offenses. Abandonment of this practice after 1989 resulted in a serious growth of recorded crime. Appraising the dynamics of reported crime in Central and Eastern Europe, one should also bear it in mind that the growth in crime there not necessarily followed the breakdown of “Realsozialismus”. In many countries, former USSR in particular, the growth in crime actually preceded change. Also in recent years, Central and East-European statistics have by no means been showing a constant and rapid growth in reported crime. There were rather fluctuations (if quite rapid at times), followed by a recent downward trend in some of the countries involved. Still another important problem is comparison of the extent of reported crime in post-Communist and in developed Western societies. Discussing the “flood” of crime in Central and Eastern Europe, one tends to forget that in most cases, the actual extent of crime in the region is still much lower than in most countries of Western Europe. Comparison of the situation in Germany and Poland may serve as an example here. I ulated. As far as possible, the state of crime in post-Communist societies should also be appraised on the basis of sources other than the official statistics. Helpful here can be first of all data from victimization surveys, alas still a rarity in Central and Eastern Europe. Yet basing on available data for Germany and Poland (chiefly from the International Crime Survey of 1992) it can be stated that victimization surveys show an extent of real crime much higher than the one that follows from official statistical data. This means a very high dark number of crime in Poland and elsewhere in the region, caused probably by the people’s very low tendency to report facts of victimization to the police. At any rate, from data on victimization it follows that the extent of real crime in Poland is higher as compared to Germany. This is not to say, though, that crime in Poland “breaks all the records”. With some exceptions concerning chiefly offenses against property such as theft and pickpocketing, Poland has an average extent of crime judging by European “standards'” in this respect. Basing on data from victimization surveys, also the territorial differentiation of the extent of crime in Germany and Poland can be analyzed. The basic problem in Germany is the noticeable difference between southern and northern lands, the latter having a much higher extent of crime, and also the process of the new lands “catching up” with or even “outstripping” the old ones in this respect during the last five years. Quite distinct regularities can also be found in Poland; some of them are known from earlier literature. Thus first of all, there is a noticeably higher extent of crime in Western and Northern Territories of Poland and a low extent in Wielkopolska region. It is interesting to correlate those regularities with selected demographic and socio-economic data on individual regions of the two countries. In Germany, unfavorable values of those indices found in the north of “old” FRG and in former GDR are rather explicitly correlated with a higher extent of crime. In Poland where territorial differentiation of the indices is less distinct, some regularities in this respect can nevertheless be found, too. At the samo time it seems, though, that the extent of crime in Poland is the highest in regions where, due to specific local features, the social costs of reform are the greatest and most painful.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1996, XXII; 7-41
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość w Rzeszowie w latach 1990-1995
Crime in Rzeszów in the Years 1990-1995
Autorzy:
Tuziak, Bożena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699140.pdf
Data publikacji:
1996
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
Rzeszów
patologia społeczna
statystyki policyjne
badania kryminologiczne
1990-1995
delinquency
social pathology
police statistics
criminological research
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1996, XXII; 149-163
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
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