Informacja

Drogi użytkowniku, aplikacja do prawidłowego działania wymaga obsługi JavaScript. Proszę włącz obsługę JavaScript w Twojej przeglądarce.

Wyszukujesz frazę "Narkotyki" wg kryterium: Temat


Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3
Tytuł:
The mitigation of criminal repression against drug users by the New Czech Penal Code
Autorzy:
Štefunková, Michaela
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698626.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
narkotyki
represje karne
criminal repression
drug users
Opis:
The implementation of Penal Code no. 40/2009 Coll., which was adopted in 2009,is undoubtedly one of the most significant events in the field of Czech criminal lawin recent years. Among many other changes, it also modified the regulation of drugoffences. Czech drug legislation is greatly influenced by the obligations arising fromthe UN drug control treaties. The previous Penal Code No. 140/1961 Coll. originallyincluded three drug offences penalizing unauthorized handling with narcotic drugsand psychotropic substances (NDPS) and poisons and drug use promotion.After the fall of the Iron Curtain the drug issue has become a hot political topic.An apple of discord between the proponents of more repression on the one hand andthe pragmatics supporting a risk reduction model of the drug policy on the other hassince then become mainly a question of decriminalization of possession (of a smallamount) of drug for personal use. In July 1990 the possession of NDPS for personaluse was decriminalized. Several attempts were made to reinstate this criminal liability.Finally, on 1 January 1999, an amendment to the penal code introduced the newcriminal offence of unauthorised possession of NDPS and poisons for personal use. Thethree-year study, “An Impact Analysis Project of the New Drug Legislation in the CzechRepublic (PAD)” was to evaluate the practical impacts of this new drug legislation.Based on the study’s findings, the government required the revision of drug offencedefinitions and the related sanctions for the purpose of penal re-codification. Amongother things the government required the preparation of the legislative division of illegaldrugs into two or three categories according to their medical and social dangerousness.After the long preparations, the new Penal Code No. 40/2009 Coll. finally came intoeffect on 1 January 2010. It includes five drug offences (Sections 283-287). By the newlegislation, lawmakers declared the intention of toughening the penalties for offencesrelated to the drug supply on the one hand, while on the other intended to mitigatethe repression against drug users, as most of the changes related to the latter groupof offenders. Division of drugs into “soft” and “hard” was established. Based on thisclassification, punishments have been stipulated for unlawful possession of a drug forpersonal use in a quantity that is greater than small that differ for cannabis on the onehand and for other NDPS on the other. Unauthorised Cultivation of Plants containingNDPS is an entirely new offence. The purpose of this privileged offence was to mitigatethe punishments for users who are self-suppliers and differentiate between the supplyfor personal use and that for “commercial” cultivation.The severity of sentencing differs between the cultivation of cannabis and thecultivation of other plants containing NDPS. Already the previous legislation usedthe term “amount greater than small” to establish a threshold of criminal liability inregard to possession of drugs for personal use. However, no specific values were set for particular types of NDPS. In practice, this caused problems because of inconsistentinterpretations of legislation by law enforcement authorities. The new legislation wassupposed to harmonise the practice by authorising the government to establish theamounts of NDPS that are considered to be greater than small. These values were set inGovernment Decree No. 467/2009 Coll. The legislator also authorised the governmentto issue a decree stating which plants and mushrooms should be regarded as containingNDPS and specifying an amount which is greater than small. This issue is regulated byGovernment Decree No. 455/2009 Coll.The Institute for Criminology and Social Prevention (IKSP)’s research entitled“Detection and Prosecution of Drug Crime after Adoption of the New Penal Code” wasdesigned to evaluate the impact of the new legislation in practice. The research projectused various methods, including statistical analysis and expert questionnaire surveys.Regards the trends in the number of persons convicted of drug offences targeted atdrug users, involving Possession of Drugs for Personal Use according to the old andnew penal codes and Cultivation of Plants Containing NDPS, based on the statisticaldata of the Ministry of Justice, the number has been rising constantly since 2010, andby 2014 it almost tripled compared to 2008. Most offenders are convicted in connectionwith cannabis. The number of convicted cannabis users can be even higher dependingon when the offender was caught in the act. Even though mitigation of the punishmentwas declared by the legislator, according to the opinion issued by the CriminalDivision of the Supreme Court on 4 December 2014, cannabis users should receivemore lenient penalties only if they are “caught” before or after drying the cultivatedplants. Meanwhile after harvesting the cannabis and during the process of drying it,the offender is “manufacturing marihuana” for personal use and commits an offenceof unauthorised manufacture and other handling of NDPS targeted to drug trafficking.Nevertheless, the conviction does not mean that an offender will automatically end upin prison.For drug users, contact with the criminal justice system can create conditionsand an opportunity for treatment and resocialization measures. It seems, however,that this is not the case in the Czech Republic. Alternative penalties and treatmentmeasures are still imposed very rarely. Most commonly, the imprisonment sanction isconditionally suspended, while no special care is given to the offenders. In June 2013,the authorisation and a relevant part of Decree No. 467/2009 Coll. were revoked bya ruling of the Constitutional Court. The ensuing discussion of how the term “amountgreater than small” should be specified for the purposes of the penal code concentratedon the issue of the opinion of the Criminal Division of the Supreme Court. The SupremeCourt lowered the threshold for two drugs – methamphetamine and herbal cannabisform, while threshold quantities for other drugs remained the same as in the annulleddecree. Despite this change the new threshold quantities, in particular for cannabis,formally effect the mitigation of criminal repression and thus give also no explanationfor the rise in the number of convicted offenders. Another possible explanation isthat the rise in the number of convicted persons can be influenced by increases indrug use in the population. Nevertheless, according to the latest annual report of the National Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Addiction, drug use in the Czech Republichas recorded stable levels. Long-term trends suggest a decline in the level of currentcannabis use among the general population, particularly as far as younger age groupsare concerned. The legislative change in 2010 did not also affect the age of the onsetof cannabis use. The attitudes of the population to substance use have also remainedconsistent over the long term.Substantive laws and the wording of the penal code are not the only factors thatinfluence whether or not the offender will be convicted. It appears that proceduralinstitutes and the approach of law enforcement agencies that decide individual casesare of greater significance in this respect. This assumption is also confirmed by theresults of the expert opinion survey that was carried out as a part of the IKSP researchamong police officers, public prosecutors and judges. On the one hand, respondentsconsidered the new legislation to be more detailed and more precise. On the otherhand, they think that in some respect the mitigation of the legislation was not necessary. Respondents quite frequently called for an increase in penalties and the imposition ofheavier punishments. The prosecutors and judges considered it to be more importantto change the liberal attitude of society towards the problem of drugs.The transition to a formal concept of crime can also create an environment fora more repressive approach. Although the new penal code did not bring any essentialchanges to the focus or intensity of legal repression in the area of drug policy, somewhatmore lenient punishments for cannabis users can be considered a step forward toevidence based legislation. However, despite the declared legislative intention to mitigatecriminal repression against drug users, according to statistics the number of convictedusers–offenders is increasing. The results of IKSP research suggest that the attitudesof law enforcement representatives who are empowered to decide individual casesare of considerable importance. Respondents show repressive and punitive approachtoward drug use. A partial explanation of these punitive attitudes of respondents maybe due to the perceived liberal climate regarding drugs and their users in Czech society.Several mechanisms are applied in practice by law enforcement authorities to balancethis perceived inequity. All these could lead to a rising number of convicted persons,while no special emphasis is put on their treatment. It is therefore essential to put anemphasis on the dialogue between lawmakers and the law enforcement authoritiesabout adopting new legislations. If there is no consensus reached, then even very wellconstructed provisions on drug offences can have an adverse impact in practice.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2015, XXXVII; 51-70
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Przestępczość narkotykowa w Polsce w latach 1985-1996 w świetle danych statystyki policyjnej i sądowej
Drug Crime in Poland 1985-1996 in the Light of Police and Court Statistics
Autorzy:
Krajewski, Krzysztof
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698937.pdf
Data publikacji:
2000
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
przestępczość
narkotyki
statystyka
prawo karne
criminality
narcotics
statistics
criminal law
Opis:
In many countries of Western Europe, and of Northern America in particular, drug crime is a most serious problem both in the quantitative and the qualitative terms. This means that oflences of this type engage a considerable portion of the forces and means put at the disposal of law enforcement and criminal justice in those countries. Against this background, the question arises about the recent situation in this respect in Poland. The problem is that for many years after World War II, drug addiction was a problem of minor importance, also from the viewpoint of the police and courts. It was only in the latter half of the seventies, that a considerable drug subculture emerged in Poland, which resulted from propagation of homemade Polish heroin. And yet there was in Poland no "real'' black drug market or the division into dealers and consumers, as the addicts usually manufactured Polish heroin for themselves. Bigger changes only took place in the nineties, when Poland became a significant manufacturer of amphetamine for Western markets and an important transit country, especially for heroin smugglers from the so-called Balkan route. What remains unclear, instead, is the impact of those phenomena on the internal drug market. The extent of opiates subculture does not seem to have grown considerably, and Polish heroin still plevails, the "real" one being too expensive. What did go up, and significantly at that, is consumption of other drugs, especially amphetamine and marihuana. Yet against the general "moral panic" related to amphetamine, few epidemiology surveys indicate the greatest popularity of marihuana and not amphetamine among the school youth. The analysis discussed in the present paper aims first and foremost at answering the question as to the extent to which the above changes in drug addiction and traffic have been reflected in the functioning of law enforcement and criminal justice in Poland. To this aim, analyzed in the first place have been data on detected drug offences from police statistics, as well as date on convictions for such offences from court statistics. Basically, the analysis concerns the years 1985-1996 when the 1985 Drug Control Act was in force. With respect to the police statistics, analyzed have also been data for 1991-1998, that is the period of operation of the new 1997 Act. The major findings of my analysis can be summarized as follows. First and foremost, it has to be stated that in quantitative terms, the role of drug crime in the daily practice of law enforcement and criminal justice agencies in Poland in 1985-1996 was in fact of minor importance. Thus both detected drug offences shown in police statistics and convictions for such offences shown in court statistics constituted less than 1% of all offences and convictions as a rule. Admittedly, at the end of the discussed period, an upward trend in drug crime could be noticed in the police statistics in particular, and thus in the overall structure of crime; yet its extent is still much smaller compared to most West-European countries. The question remains largely open to what extent the growth in detected drug crime, particularly noticeable starting from 1994, results from an actual growth in the number of offences, as it may well result also from the Polish police forces' growing efficiency in detecting offences of this type. In 1985-1996, there was in Poland a most specific structure of drug crime. Thus two offences prevailed in the structure of both detected offences shown in police statistics and convictions contained in court statistics: illegal cultivation of poppy and illegal manufacture or processing of narcotic drugs. In some years, the two offences together accounted for over 80% of the bulk of drug crime registered by the police, and for even a greater proportion - up to 90% - of all convictions for such offences. Instead, the share in the overall structure of drug crime in Poland of such "classical'' offences as smuggling, trafficking and dealing in drugs was at the minimum level until 1994. It was only after that year that the proportion started to grow: by 1998, the structure was reversed with 65% of all offences detected that year being cases of dealing in drugs. So far, however, this shift is hardly reflected in the structure of convictions for such offences, which remains largely unchanged compared to previous years. This may demonstrate the Polish police forces' much greater efficiency in detecting drug dealers combined with persisting faults in the area of gathering evidence that would make it possible to indict specific persons in such cases. Another problem that can still be hardly called serious in Poland is punitive policy of courts with respect to drug offenders. Quite the contrary: there was a lot to indicate even in the eighties that the policy towards such offenders was even more liberal compared to the treatment received by other offenders. This was demonstrated by the role of fine as a selfstanding penalty, imposed much more often on drug offenders, and also by the more frequent staying of sentences. Of course, this situation resulted chiefly fiom the above-mentioned specific structure of the Polish drug crime. Traditionally prevailing among those guilty of the offence of illegal poppy cultivation were farmers, who whether intentionally ignored or were not aware of the limitations imposed on poppy cultivation by the 1985 Act. Among the illegal manufacturers of drugs, in turn, a considerable proportion were addicts who manufactured the Polish home-made heroin for themselves. Again, one can hardly speak of drug business in such cases. Most of the offenders were not profit-seekers. This means that under the 1985 Drug Control Act, Polish courts most seldom had to do with the "real" and "serious" drug crime - the long-established everyday routine of courts in most of the developed West-European and North-American countries where that crime absorbs a considerable portion of forces, means and energy of the local law enforcement. What is more, transformations of the Polish drug scene - reported by the police and the media - have so far been but slightly reflected in the work of Polish courts and in their penal policy. Again, the question remains open to what extent this situation might change over the next few years.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 2000, XXV; 81-121
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Narkomania jako zjawisko społeczne- historia problemu w Polsce
Drug addiction as a social phenomenon. the history of the problem in Poland
Autorzy:
Bielewicz, Antoni
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699292.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
narkomania
problem
Polska
historia
narkotyki
zjawisko
zachowanie
pacjenci
szpital psychiatryczny
handel
uzależnienie
morfina
kokaina
drug addiction
Polska
history
drugs
phenomenon
behaviour
morphine
cocaine
patients
psychiatric hospital
trade
addiction
Opis:
The phenomenon of drug addiction has been known in Poland for at least several dozen years. In the period of the second Republic, it was not a major social problem. In 1933, the total of 295 addicts were hospitalized in Poland. According to pre-war researchers, the number of drug addicts could be estimated at over 5 thousand persons in the early 1930s. The pre-war addicts took first of all classic drugs: morphine, heroin, and cocaine. Also codeine, Somniphrene and Pantopon were rather frequently taken. Less frequent was the use of hashish, mescaline and peyotl. Headache wafers played the part of substitutes.             According to the data of the health service and the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, about three – fourth of drug addicts were men. Most addicts were in their thirties; hardly any could be found among the youth, as far as morphinism is concerned in particular. This type of addiction could be found nearly exclusively among persons aged over 30. The situation shaped ,somewhat differently as regards codeine addicts: also younger persons. could be found in this group. In the socio professional structure of addicts included in the files of the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, clerks prevailed; their percentage amounting to 30. The second most numerous group were craftsmen and tradesmen-,13 per cent, and the third on -representatives of medical professions (chemists, doctors, surgeon, assistants, nurses, midwifes) of whom there were 9 per cent. The percentage of workers was 2, of prostitutes-5, and artists-4. In the opinion of the most of the pre-war researchers, the above socio-professional structure is distorted. According to them, drug-addiction was much more widespread among officers (of the air force and navy in particular), artists, writers and journalists. As regards religion, pre-war addicts constituted as varied a mosaic as the entire society in those days. There were among them representatives of all of the most numerous religious groups then found in Poland. Roman Catholics were most, and members of the orthodox church-least :susceptible to drug addiction. The pre-war researchers of drug addiction devoted a lot of attention to the problem of etiology of this ,,social disease'' Some of them stressed above all the medical-others-the economic and political, and still others - the cultural or those related to civilization causes. There were also conceptions that laid particular emphasis on physiology and biochemistry of the human body.              The evolution of drug addiction in the post-war forty years may be divided into four stages.             The first of them lasted till about mid-1960s. The extent of the phenomenon was then limited, with the average of about 400 persons treated in out-patient clinics, and about 150 -in psychiatric hospitals. Also the police statistics point to small sizes of this phenomenon. In 1967, as few as 9 offences directly related to drug addiction were recorded in Poland. Drug addicts of those days descended from rather specific circles. They were mostly representatives of medical professions, that is persons with a relatively easy access to drugs. Over 90 per cent of all morphine addicts were employees of the health service. Drugs taken most frequently were the classical ones;(morphine, cocaine), tranquilizers (Glimid, Tardyl) and stimulants (amphetamines). In thest period, one could hardly speak of drug addiction as a subcultural phenomenon. It was mainly a medical problem. The majority of the drug taking persons were those already dependent. The addicts of those days formed no close groups sharing a given ideology, specific symbols or language. The taking of narcotic drugs was not a social but an individual behaviour in most cases.             The second stage are the late 1960s and the early 1970s. In that period, a rapid growth in the extent of drug addiction can be noticed. In the years 1969-1973, the number of patients treated because of drug addiction in out-patient psychiatric clinics was quintupled, and in psychiatric hospitals, tripled. In 1972, there were about 3,150 patients treated in psychiatric clinics, and about 600 in psychiatric hospitals.             Also the number of offences directly related to drug addiction grew rapidly. While in 1967 there was not a single instance of unauthorized giving of narcotic drug (art. 161 of the Penal Code) or of forging prescriptions (art. 265 § 1 of the Penal Code), 105 and 417 such acts respectively were recorded five years later. In 1971, over 3,000 persons "taking narcotic drugs" were registered in the police files. As found in a sociological study carried out in 1972 among students of all grammar, vocational and elementary vocational schools in Gdańsk, Sopot and Gdynia, 8.3 per cent of the respondents had contacts with narcotic drugs. In the case of about 45 per cent of this group, these contacts were occasional. According to the authors of the study, this percentage is the "minimum frequency of occurence" of drug taking "in the population of school youth in Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot.'' In this early 1970s, the number of persons in danger of becoming addicts (i.e. those who took drugs regularly) and those already dependent was estimated at about 30 thousand.             In the discussed period, also the character of addiction underwent changes: it became a subcultural phenomenon. The base on which it developed were the youth contestation movements which emerged in Poland as well. Addiction was given a cultural dimension by the ideology of the hippie movement. Taking drugs ceased to be an individual behaviour and became a social one which expressed certain attitudes and symbolized the affiliation to a given subculture. The young who took drugs formed smaller or bigger groups with strong internal bonds and a great sense of solidarity. They used specific symbols (way of dressing, recognition signals, rich repertoire of gestures, aliases, etc.) and quite a rich language (characteristic names of drugs and activities related to their taking). The very taking of drugs was acompanied by more or less developed rituals (narcotic coctails, seances, etc.).             In that period - and later on as well -the phenomenon of drug addiction was concentrated among the youth and in highly urbanized and industrialized regions. In 1972, nearly 75 per cent of persons hospitalized for the first time were those aged under 25, and over 60 per cent-under 29. In 1970, over 90 per cent of addicts treated in hospitals lived in towns. The limited drug marked. caused the youth to resort to substitutes on the unpracedented scale. In those years, general use of such substances as trichloroethylene, Ixi (washing powder), Butaprene (glus), ether, benzene, solvents and others started. Yet the major typ of addiction still remaind that to opium and its derivates, particularly in men, and to sleeping-draught and tranquilizers in women.             The third stage in the evolution of drug addiction are the years 1973-1976. In that period, a nearly 27 per cent decrease in the total of patients of psychiatric clinics, and a 40 per cent one in the case of those treated for the first time could be noticed. The morbidity index went down from 3.5 to 2.0. A similar trend, though less dynamic one, concerned also hospital service. In an attempt at explaining this phenomenon, three factors should be mentioned. Firstly, the early 1970s are the period when youth movements started to die out. Also a relative social peace reigned in those years, which caused drug addiction lose its socio-cultural base. Secondly, the medical authorities introduced a number of limitations in the accessibility of drugs in that period. Thirdly, repressive action of the police also influenced this tendency to a high degree. The prosecution agencies not only increased their efficiency greatly, but also acquired a much better knowledge of the addicts circles. These actions however proved insufficient to fully control addiction.             The fourth stage in the evolution of addiction started in the late 1970s. In the years 1977-1984, the number of patients treated in out-patient clinics increased twice over, and that of hospitalized persons - five times over. The indicates of dissemination and morbidity grew rapidly. Beginning from mid-1970s, the number of persons registered in the police files grew nearly two and a half times over. Also the number of deaths due to over dosage went up from year to year. In 1978, 18 such cases were recorded, with the number amounting to as many as 117 in 1986. The number of offences directly related to drug addiction went up from 1,093 in 1978 to 3,014 in 1983. The number of persons taking narcotic drugs was estimated at about 500-800 thousand in 1983; that of persons in danger of becoming addicts - at 99-95 thousand, and of actual addicts - about 40 thousand. Such is the minimum spread of the discussed phenomenon.             The unprecedented dissemination of drug addiction may be attributed to the emergence of two factors of which one is technological, and the other one psycho-social. In mid-1970s, the technology of production of a strong drug from poppy was worked out in Poland, which resulted in a great amount of strong narcotics appearing on the market. on the other hand, crisis started to accumulate in Poland in mid-1970s, which resulted in a growing frustration among the youth. The concurrence of these two factors brought about the explosion of drug addiction.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 251-286
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-3 z 3

    Ta witryna wykorzystuje pliki cookies do przechowywania informacji na Twoim komputerze. Pliki cookies stosujemy w celu świadczenia usług na najwyższym poziomie, w tym w sposób dostosowany do indywidualnych potrzeb. Korzystanie z witryny bez zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies oznacza, że będą one zamieszczane w Twoim komputerze. W każdym momencie możesz dokonać zmiany ustawień dotyczących cookies