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    Tytuł:
    Streszczenie wyników badań i wnioski
    Conclusion
    Autorzy:
    Batawia, Stanisław
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699312.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    nieprzystosowanie społeczne
    młodzież
    badania kryminologiczne
    social maladjustment
    youth
    criminological research
    Opis:
    In the light of the surveys of the 15 - l7-year-olds “out of school and out of work,” it can be seen that a large majority of the subjects are recruited from among boys and girls whose basic problems can be reduced to school maladjustment, serious learning difficulties and inability to adapt to the school curriculum. With most of the subjects social maladjustment is clearly connected with school maladjustment, which is no doubt frequently the anterior process. The lack of detailed psychological and medical tests makes it impossible to say what are the factors chiefly responsible fur such school retardation: what percentage of the subjects are backward children, children with only partial developmental retardation, children with certain congenital defects which are serious obstacles to learning to read and write, or children with personality disorders which interfere considerable with a normal process of education, reduce their capacity for systematic effort, impede concentration, etc. The children whose normal progress at school encounters serious difficulties and cannot cope unaided with their school obligations have a sense of inferiority with regard to the other children in their class, and the conflict situations experienced by them continually and their fear of the consequences of bad results at school make for a hostile attitude to school, truancy, seeking contacts outside school with peers in a similar position, spending much of their time with other maladjusted boys in whose company they can win approval. Children of this kind frequently drop far behind in elementary school and sometimes fail to complete it altogether. Subsequently, they have a very difficult start in life, extremely limited prospects of employment in jobs with a low social status and a sense of personal failure and rejection which frequently helps to develop antisocial attitudes. In dealing with boys and girls of this sort who have already reached an older age bracket, one should realize that their considerable school retardation, their unaccustomedness for systematic study and the development of certain adverse habits militate against progress in the vocational schools to which they are directed. In view of the fact that teaching them a specific trade in combination with practical         in-work training may be of vital importance to their subsequent careers, the syllabus in these special vocational schools should be adjusted to the degree of inability displayed by such boys and girls. Since the boys who have not even completed six or seven grades of elementary school are in a worse position than those who have completed a greater number of grades, the syllabus of the vocational courses for these children should be differentiated to match their achievement level in elementary school. It seems essential therefore, before directing such boys and girls to a vocational school, to submit them to psychological tests to discover their intelligence level and suitability for a specific trade. The findings of these surveys make clear the importance from the point of view not only of the practice of the educational authorities but also of social policy of paying special attention to cases of recurring repetition of elementary school grades and truancy, and of failure to complete elementary school. Problems and failures at school require the early intervention of psychologists and doctors and the extension of special attention to such children in the earliest grades. The elimination and prevention of symptoms of school maladjustment depend on the proper organization of school work to allow for the specific problems of this category of children. It is essential to provide a sufficient number of special classes in the lower years to enable children making poor progress to catch up and also individual coaching of pupils who have special learning problems. The surveys show how important the implementation of the above recommendations could be for prevention of social maladjustment and demoralization among a large proportion of the children subsequently classified as “out of school and out of work”. The fact that among juvenile offenders there is a large incidence of records of serious disturbances in the course of their education from an early age is obvious evidence of the need to pay special attention to school maladjustment with a view to the prevention of juvenile delinquency. Since the surveys have shown that a large proportion of children with serious school failures come from adverse home backgrounds, from broken homes, from homes in which the father is an alcoholic and from homes whose material circumstances are bad, it is essential to put such families under special supervision and also to provide welfare benefits to the mothers of children in such home.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 134-149
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wyniki badań 432 chłopców “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”
    Findings of the Research among Boys
    Autorzy:
    Kołakowska-Przełomiec, Helena
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699306.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    nieprzystosowanie społeczne
    młodzież
    badania kryminologiczne
    social maladjustment
    boys
    youth
    criminological research
    Opis:
    The boys examined in the l967/68 school year (the first year in which the educational authorities registered this category of youth) were older than the subjects in the following year. As has been already indicated, 43 per cent of the boys in 1967/68 had passed their 17th birthday, compared to only 23 per cent in 1968/69. It is worth noting, however, that the number of l5-year-olds was small, only 23 and 36 per cent respectively. Since only a third of all the subjects were at least 17 at the time of registration, the question of the employment of these boys in the period preceding their referral to vocational school is not worth entering into. The basic point is connected with the course of their school attendance – the degree to which the process of education at elementary school was disrupted and the length of time these boys had been out of school (among those who had completed the 7th grade and also those who had discontinued attendance at a normal vocational school). The surveys revealed the important fact that only a small percentage of the youth described as “out of school and out of work” had in actual fact been absent from school for a period of more than six months (including the summer holiday): in the two succeeding years the number of boys of this kind was 28 and 21 per cent, while the number who had no breaks in school attendance whatsoever was 33 per cent in the first year and as much as 77 per cent in the next. On the other hand, the process of education had been highly disturbed: among the subjects attending one-year vocational schools only 21 per cent had no record of retardation at elementary school, and barely one per cent in the two-year schools. Among the boys attending the one-year schools 28 and 24 per cent had dropped two years behind, and 11 and 18 per cent three years or more. The boys in the two-year schools who had completed only 4 - 6 grades were of course even more retarded: in 1967/68 retardation of two years was shown by 28 per cent and in 1968/69 by 45 per cent, and three years or more by 52 and 39 per cent respectively. As many as 70 – 80 per cent of all the subjects had been systematically truant from elementary school, and about two-thirds had long-lasting disciplinary difficulties. In considering these boys’ failures at school, attention should be given to the results of tests of their achievement level and of their scores in the Raven’s Progressive Matrices. On the whole the subjects’ achievement level in mathematics differed markedly from that of a comparative sample of children in corresponding grades of elementary school. Bad marks in mathematics were scored by 62 and 64 per cent of the boys in the one-year schools and 83 and 86 per cent of the boys in the two-year schools. There were also considerable differences in achievement in Polish between the subjects and the control group. Particular emphasis should be given to the bad scores recorded in silent reading and comprehension tests not only by many of the boys in the two-year schools who had not completed the 7th grade but also by many of the boys in the one-year schools. This low achievement level in basic subjects was undoubtedly a serious obstacle to learning progress for the majority of the subjects, not only earlier at elementary school, but also at vocational school. Raven’s Progressive Matrices testing, first of all, reasoning ability revealed in 1967/68 a larger percentage of boys with low and very low scores than in the control group. The subjects in the one-year schools had better scores than the subjects in the two-year school. In the following year, 1968/69, however, the percentage with low and very low scores decreased, though it remained higher among the boys attending two-year schools than one-year schools. The Raven’s Progressive Matrices scores do not, however, explain all the reasons for the boys’ great degree of school retardation, since there was a fairly large group which had good and very good scores. Their failure at school must be connected with other factors than low reasoning ability. These may be deficiencies in other mental abilities, personality disorders, neglect at home, etc. In examining the degree of social maladjustment (the criteria were discussed earlier) of the boys surveyed in 1967/68 it was found that: 1) only 28 per cent of the boys could be judged seriously socially maladjusted; they displayed a number of symptoms of marked demoralization and committed offences (theft); 2) 35 per cent could be called moderately maladjusted: they had been out of school or out of work longer than six months, had been frequently truant, and some of them also displayed other symptoms of maladjustment of a less marked order: 3) a relatively large group (36 per cent) were boys who by and large displayed only symptoms of school maladjustment, and symptoms of demoralization only sporadically. It should be added that the number of seriously maladjusted boys was much smaller in the one-year schools (25 per cent) than among those who had not completed the 7th grade and had been placed in the two-year schools (33 per cent). It is worth drawing attention to the fact that boys with various Raven scores and various achievement levels in basic subjects can be found in similar percentages both among the group of boys only  slightly socially maladjusted and the group of boys moderately or seriously maladjusted. However, the more socially maladjusted boys had worse home backgrounds than the others and no doubt suffered from greater personality disorders since they had already earlier caused more serious disciplinary problems. The greater degree of maladjustment among this groups of boys who had made bad progress at school was, therefore, affected by factors connected with personality and home background. It should be noted that 34 per cent of the subjects in 1967/68 and 33 per cent in 1968/69 came from broken homes. Fathers who were excessive drinkers (alcohol addicts among them) constituted 41 per cent of the total, and the number of brothers (over ten years of age) who displayed various symptoms of social maladjustment came to 30 per cent. Bad material conditions were found in almost half the homes of the subjects. The surveys revealed that the percentage of boys “out of school and out of work” who had appeared before juvenile courts was relatively small. Among the total number of subjects (432), only 28.4 per cent had been prosecuted before being directed to vocational school. In the period of attendance to vocational school and later a total of 39 boys were convicted, but only 14 of those had previous convictions. The percentage of boys brought to court rose only very slightly to 31.7 per cent, and it should be emphasized that the percentage of recidivists with three or more cases among the total number convicted came to only 24 per cent (including juvenile court appearances). A large majority of the subjects are therefore boys who were not seriously delinquent even though they displayed a whole series of symptoms of social maladjustment. The careers of the boys after placement in vocational schools are basically contingent on the degree of their social maladjustment, and only this, and not appearance in court, forms the proper criterion for assessing the difficulties encountered by efforts to normalize these boys. Although the subjects’ attendance at the vocational schools was not regular and there was a considerable degree of absenteeism from the practical training periods, while a large percentage (53 and 41 per cent in the two succeeding years) failed to complete the vocational course on time, follow-up studies showed that only a third of the subjects in 1967/68 and a fifth in 1968/69 had not subsequently continued their education or entered employment. These boys, in the case of whom attempts at rehabilitation had been wholly unsuccessful, did not exceed 25 per cent of the total of 432. Virtually all of them came from the group of subjects with serious prior social maladjustment who had long displayed advanced symptoms of demoralization.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 32-83
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Alkoholizowanie się młodzieży szkolnej (na podstawie badań w szkołach w Bochni w latach 1913, 1967, 1990)
    Drinking Habits of School Youth (Based on a Study Conducted in the School of Bochnia in the Years 1913, 1967, and 1990)
    Autorzy:
    Migdał, Jerzy
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699062.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1994
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    nadużywanie alkoholu
    młodzież szkolna
    badania ankietowe
    alcohol abuse
    school youth
    survey
    Opis:
    The paper discusses the findings of a studv into the structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages by school youth in Bochnia. The findings reflect the situation in that sphere in 1990 as compared to 1913 and 1967. The choice of Bochnia as the area to be examined, and also of the years 1913 and 1967 as the basis for comparisons, was not accidental. Available are the findings of a study of consumption of alcoholic beverages by school youth of that town conducted in 1913 by a district school superintendent J. Ciembroniewicz, and also of a 1967 study conducted by J. Bardach from the Research Center of the Main Board, Social Anti-Alcoholic Committee headed by A. Święcicki. Most of the Bochnia school youth examined in 1990 have the same regional background as the persons examined in 1913 by J. Ciembroniewicz and in 1967 by J. Bardach. Since 1913, and then since 1967, certain cultural and moral transfomations have taken place; yet the changes do not seem to be tooo extensive, the mores so as there was no increase in migration of the population in the discussed area. A possible explanation of this rather low mobility is that, during the decades  covered by this paper, no large undustrial plants were built in Bochnia which would attract people from various regions of Poland, with their different cultural and moral patterns, acting towards transformation of the town’s original social structures. On the other hand, the local industrial plants, the Metallurgical Processing Factory and the Salt Mine in particular, as well as trade and services were developed enough to offer a sufficient numer of workplaces to the  population of Bochnia. In 1913, J. Ciembroniewicz examined 2098 young persons not older than 14. His report makes no mention of the numer of schools included in the  survey, stating only that youth from all types of schools were examined. 1231 boys and 867 girls were the respondents of a questionnaire survey. The extend to which this sample was representative cannot be appraised today for lack of detailed data as to the total school population in Bochnia in 1913. The material gathered by J. Ciembroniewicz should be seen as sufficiently extensive to evaluate the structure of  consumption of alcoholic beverages by the Bochnia school youth of those days. The 1967 study was a questionnaire survey of a sample of children from forms 5 – 8 of all Bochnia elementary schools, aged 14 at the most. The sample  consisted of 1314 persons; 1199 quetionnaires were submitted to analysis. Examined in 1990 were all children of forms 5 – 8 of Bochnia elementary schools present at school on the day of the survey (absent were e.g. the sick children). The sample consisted of 1500 persons, and 1437 questionnaires were analysed (the remaining 63 were rejected for various defects). The basic purpose of the study was: (1) to define the changes in drinking habits and the structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages during the 20th century, and (2) to show the socio-educational effects of the parents’ drinking on the shaping of their children’s attitudes towards alcohol. In all three studies, a questionnaire was used to gather data. The 1990 questionnaire was designed so as to include questions the same as or similar to those asked on 19l3 and 1967. The questionnaire used by J. Bardach, however, was not a verbatim repetition of that prepared by J. Ciembroniewicz. New questions were added, and some of those original were reformulated for precision or written in the modern language. The 1990 author took similar steps. The questionnaires were distributed to the children who wrote their answers by themselves. The findings were as follows:            (1) In 1990 as compared to l967, and in 1967 as compared to 19l3, the proportion of school youth who drank alkoholic beverages went down in Bochnia. This is true for boys and girls alike. In 1913, the proportion of girls who drank nearly equalled that of boys but proved much lower both in 1967 and in 1990.             (2) Considerable changes also took place in consumption of the separate alcoholic beverages. In 1990 as compared to 1967, and in 1967 as compared to 1913, consumption of both beer, wine, vodka was the decrease. The only exception here is a slight growth in the consumption of beer in 1967 as compared to 1913. Generally speaking, however, the proportion of beer drinkers was 2 times lower, and that of vodka drinkers – over 3.5 times lower. This drop between the years 1913 and 1990 was particularly marked in the case of girls: consumption of beer was over 4 times lower, of wine – over 2 times lower, and of vodka – nearly 6 times lower in 1990 as compared to 1913.             (3) Also the frequency of consumption of alcoholic beverages by the youth went down. The later the study, the smaller the proportion of both boys and girls who drank alcohol often and very often. The above concerns respondents of all age groups. (4) In general, the highest proportion of boys always drank in the company of their parents. The exception here is the 1967 sample: the boys then drank most often with their peers. In 1913, 1967, and 1990 alike, the proportion of boys who drank in the company of their parents went down with age. A similar trend was found in the case of boys who drank in the company of other adult family members. What grew with age, instead, was the proportion of boys who drank in the company of their peers, on their own, or together with adults from outside their family. As regards girls, in 1913, 1967, and 1990 alike, most of those who at all drank alcoholic beverages did it in the company of their parents. Striking among both boys and girls is the high proportion of young persons who drank in the company of their peers or on their own. This trend was particularly marked in l967 as compared to 1913. This finding is  the more important as in the case of this group, the role of the family as controller of the alcohol-related habits and particularly the type and amount of alcohol consumed was largely reduced.             (5) In l9l3, 1967, and 1990 alike, most boys drank on church holidays, at festivities, weddings, celebrations of baptism, and parties, that is occasionally. (6) As for the yoith’s contacts with drinking persons, the situation proved much different in 1990 as compared to 1967 and 1913. In 1967 and 1990, 2 times as many boys as in 1913 saw a drink parent or older sibling. In the case of girls, this difference between l9l3, 1967, and1990 is greater still. *      *     * The findings of the 1990 study manifest the occurrence over the years of advantageous changes in the drinking habits and structure of consumption of alcoholic beverages among children up to 14 in small towns.  Interestingly enough, there is a continuous discrepancy between two groups of data: in the period 1913‒1990, there was a regular  decrease in the proportion of young persons who had drank alcohol at least once before the survey while the general extent of alcohol consumption was on a constant increase. These data correspond with national findings which show that today, about 50–60 % of young persons in the discussed age group drink alcohol. In the age15 to 18, as many as over 80% of Polish youth accasionally drink alcohol. The general social knowledge on the harmful effects of drinking is much more extensive today than it was in the early 1900’s. At present, hardly  any mothers use an  alcohol-soaked cloth to calm their babies; hardly any parents treat their thirsty children to a beer during harvest; hardly any fathers have a drink with  their small sons. Such practices did take place earlier in our century. Even if they drink themselves, the parents and educators of today are aware of the threats involved in drinking and try hard to delay the children’s first encounter with alcohol. With the child’s growing criticism, the discrepancy between the adults’ opinions and their actual drinking habits noticed by juveniles makes the latter reach for alcohol. Another factor that greatly contributes here is the reduced authority of the family and the growth of importance of a peer group. All these processes are not intensified until puberty, that is after the age of 14. This is not to say, however, that alcohol consumption at its present level is low. After all, the 50 to 60% of  children aged up 14 who at least occasionally drink alcohol constitute a very high proportion.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1994, XX; 155-176
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wyniki badań 110 dziewcząt “nie uczących się i nie pracujących”
    Findings of the Research among Girls
    Autorzy:
    Ostrihanska, Zofia
    Kossowska, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699308.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    nieprzystosowanie społeczne
    badania kryminologiczne
    młodzież
    dziewczęta
    social maladjustment
    criminological research
    girls
    youth
    Opis:
    The publication presents the findings of an inquiry conducted among 110 girls aged 15 - 17 who had been directed, on the grounds of being “out of school and out of work”, to two one-year vocational schools in Warsaw (catering and clothing). All the girls enrolled in these schools were the subjects of the study. The first point to be established was whether the girls classified as “out of school and out of work” had in fact not been attending school or gainfully employed for a longer period of time prior to admission. In point of fact the job question did not really enter the picture since almost all the subjects had never yet been employed, partly on account of their age: only 31 per cent of them had reached their 17th birthday at the time of the inquiry. Most of them had previously been attending school, while the period of idleness was as a rule very short: as many as 70 per cent had been in attendance until the end of the preceding school year and had found themselves without a place at the beginning of the new one. The number which had quit or interrupted school attendance in the course of the preceding school year came to 24 per cent; only 6 per cent had longer breaks in schooling of a year or more. However, if we forego this formal criterion of non-attendance and take into account not only failure to enroll in a school, but also systematic truancy, it turns out that the number not attending school is much larger: two-thirds of the subjects had either left school or, though nominally in attendance had in fact been systematically truant in the course of the preceding school year. The question of the criteria employed to classify young people as “out of school and out of work” merits special emphasis because, as we shall see, it was systematic staying away from school though nominally enrolled rather than brief official breaks in attendance which proved bad prediction for subsequent adjustment in the one-year vocational school. Two-thirds of the girl subjects had fallen behind in elementary school, and among 46 per cent this retardation came to at least two years. The school retardation of the subjects was not only much greater than the general rate among children in the higher grades of elementary school in Poland, but also greater than among boy subjects attending analogous one-year vocational schools. So large a degree of school retardation prompts the question whether poor progress was not due to the diminished intelligence level of the subjects. This point was examined with the help of Raven’s Progressive Matrices, tests of achievement in basic subjects, and the opinions obtained from teachers at the schools which the subjects had previously attended. A large percentage of the girls (41 per cent) had low and very low Raven scores (under 25 percentiles). Girls attending one-year vocational schools had far worse scores than average school children, and worse ones than boys attending one-year vocational schools and even than boys attending two-year vocational schools. These Raven scores must be put into the context of data obtained by other means. As had been said, tests were made of the level of achievement in basic subjects (Polish and mathematics). The percentage of subjects who displayed a very low level of achievement was greater than the percentage with low and very low Raven scores. The girls attending one-year vocational schools differed markedly in level of achievement from the control group of elementary school children. Additional information on the abilities of the subjects was obtained from questionnaires answered by teachers at the schools which these girls had previously attended. On this evidence, more of them were found to be “dull” than had been suggested by their Raven scores. The variations in the data obtained from different sources require clarification. Raven’s Progressive Matrices test only certain abilities (reasoning visual perception) important to learning. But there are also a number of other abilities which play a part in progress at school (e.g. memory, audial perception, verbal abilities) and deficiencies where these are concerned might have contributed to the low scores of the subjects in the tests of achievement and to the teachers’ estimates of their abilities. The failures or difficulties of a part of the subjects at school might have been connected with disturbances in these particular learning abilities. But they might equally well have been due to personality factors or – and this seems especially important given the evidence obtained in interviews – to considerable neglect at home. The school retardation of the subjects, their achievement level, their low Raven scores and the teachers’ opinions of their poor abilities are all signs that their being “out of school and out of work” was clearly bound up with failures at school and objective difficulties with learning. The next question was the degree of social maladjustment of the subjects. Only a small number of the girls (18 per cent) had no record of considerable school retardation, presented no particular problems of conduct at school, and displayed no symptoms of social maladjustment. The biggest quantitative problem among the subjects were the girls (almost half) who only manifested evidence of maladjustment as regards school work, i.e. retardation of two or more years, systematic truancy, and repeated discontinuance of school attendance. Only a third of the girls were found, however, to have other symptoms of social maladjustment: keeping demoralized company, running away from home, excessive drinking, stealing and suspected sexual promiscuity. It was only these girls in whom the relevant symptom or symptoms had occurred frequently or jointly that were classified as socially maladjusted. It should be added, however, that only three of the girls had been previously convicted, only 10 per cent were found to have committed thefts and only 10 per cent were suspected of sexual promiscuity. These percentages are insignificant when compared to those found in girls brought before the courts. However, for a third of the girls to reveal evidence of social maladjustment constitutes a relatively large proportion if it is compared with the degree of social maladjustment found in an average schoolgirl population. In the inquiry a comparison was made of the girls who displayed only symptoms of maladjustment at school (notably considerable school retardation) with those whose behaviour indicated evidence of social maladjustment as well. It was found that the subjects in the latter category tended indeed to come more frequently from adverse home environments and were more often described by school teachers as excitable, restless and aggressive. Although systematic truancy has in this study been placed under the heading of maladjustment at school, it proved in fact to be more frequent among the socially maladjusted girls than those who displayed only school maladjustment. This fact, as well as evidence of a connection between social maladjustment and certain personality features, suggest that it is not difficulties and failures at school as such, but the modes of reaction to them that lead to major maladjustment. The next point tackled by the inquiry related to the environmental, health and personality factors behind the subjects’ non-attendance of school and lack of employment. Here the data was obtained by means of background interviews and interviews with 62 of the girls who qualified most obviously for the designation of “out of school and out of work” on account of interrupted school attendance and systematic truancy. Of these 62 girts, as many as 44 per cent came from broken homes. Among their families there was a high incidence (47 per cent) of excessive drinking by the father. A third of the fathers had criminal convictions and in 30 per cent of the families there were brothers with convictions. This data indicates that the girls who were “out of school and out of work” had frequently been brought up in homes which constituted socially negative educative environments and got their children off to a bad start in life. Health data showed that 29 per cent of the girls “out of school and out of work” had suffered various protracted illnesses resulting in long absences from school which could have led to low achievement level. Hospital or sanatorium treatment had been prescribed at some time for 44 per cent. The interviews afforded grounds for suspecting that 23 per cent had suffered brain damage. These are all factors which interfere with progress at school. But they are obstacles which could have been more easily overcome if the girls could have counted on the help and care of their families; in the home environment in which many of the subjects grew up, on the other hand, they formed serious barriers to normal results at school. Finally progress at school has been analysed in 110 pupils attending one-year schools as well as their accomplishment in a successive year. A total of 40 per cent of the subjects attended the one-year vocational schools very irregularly, cutting over a quarter of the days of instruction. This poor attendance record had a statistically significant interdependence with systematic truancy in the preceding school year (though insignificant with the break in school attendance prior to enrolment in the one-year vocational school). This indicates that truancy schould be regarded by schools as a particularly urgent warning to pay greater attention to the children involved. Irregular attendance of the one-year vocational schools was also connected with social maladjustment in the period preceding admission. The girls with the greatest degree of social maladjustment were the ones who found it hardest to adapt in the vocational schools. A year after the end of the school year in which the inquiry was conducted, follow-up interviews were made in order to see if the former pupils of the one year vocational schools were still attending school or gainfully employed. It was found that almost half the girls were continuing their education and 29 per cent were working (half of them in jobs matching their vocational qualifications); only about a fifth were “out of school and out of work”. The reasons they gave for this varied and in certain cases the fact that they were neither attending school nor working was clearly justified by special circumstances.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 84-117
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Agresja w szkole w świetle samoopisów uczniów
    School Aggression in the Light of Students’ Accounts
    Autorzy:
    Ostrowska, Krystyna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699261.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2004
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    agresja
    szkoła
    zachowania agresywne
    młodzież
    badania kryminologiczne
    aggression
    school
    aggressive behaviours
    youth
    criminological research
    Opis:
    The article presents results of a research conducted for the Ministry of National Education and Sports, which primarily aimed to look closer at the  changes in forms, scale and increase of aggressive behaviours of students at all the different learning and upbringing stages. The first kind of such research in Poland was initiated by K. Ostrowska and A. Siemaszko in 1981. Its results were widely discussed by A. Siemaszko in his book „Deviated teenage behaviours”. Next research, which is a direct source of reference for the research discussed in this article, was a countrywide research into aggressive behaviours of students, conducted in 1997 also from the initiative of K. Ostrowska, with a cooperation and extensive financial involvement of prof. Hans Ludwig Schmidt, dr. Janusz Surzykiewicz and the Bosch Foundation. Similarly as in the past, the results were thoroughly presented in a monography „Aggression and School Violence. Socio-economic conditions” written by Janusz Surzykiewicz. The presented research concerning aggressive behaviours of students in 2003, is based on answers of respondents about causing and experiencing aggression across a 12 months period before conducting the research. Questionnaires in self-report technique were conducted in November and December 2003. A group of 16 students was randomly sampled from ministerial lists of primary, lower secondary, general secondary schools, specialised secondary schools, technical secondary schools as well as basic vocational schools. Research has been conducted in all 16 provinces of Poland. In the randomly sampled schools a suitable number of students was randomly sampled from each teaching level. In relation to 1997 the number of surveyed students is smaller, the previous counted 2567 individuals. Contraction of this group was dictated by financial and time limitations of the research. This article includes characteristics of student respondents by their age, kind of school, class, place of living, family situation including family structure, marital status of parents, current residing or other persons, with parents, age of parents, their education and professional activity. The socio-demographic characteristic of the families indicated that in 90% of cases students come from complete families, they have parents, in the age of professional activity (35-50 years of age) with vocational, secondary and higher education. However, there is a worrying fact that about 20% of families is struggling economically due to the lack of permanent employment. The characteristic of aggressive student behaviour concerns, on the one hand, a number and percentage frequency structure of 41 behaviours considered in the research as an indicator of aggression, on the other hand - an analysis according to the differentiated categories of aggression. These are behaviours which have a smaller potential effect – they would cause a considerably smaller, danger, pain, harm, suffering i.e. spreading lies about other students; and ones which could be called examples of serious aggression or even as bearing characteristics of criminal offences such as: threatening with a knife, a razor blade, gas or using a sharp object while in a fight. The most common signs of aggression on the school area the less potentially harmful behaviours, they create a specific school atmosphere. Amongst those to mention would be: cheating on teachers, disrupting teaching in class, offensive talking, calling other students names, writing on school walls and desks, purposeful pushing others, spreading lies and harming oneself by drunkenness. Such forms of behaviour happen to 30 - 40% of respondents. However, as it has been mentioned in detailed descriptions, school is also a place where more serious forms of aggression take prace. These are: forcing students to do things against their will, fighting with other colleagues, group beating of a single student, forcing or provoking sexual behaviouts, using sharp objects in a fight. The article incorporates data suggesting an increase in aggressive behaviour amongst girls, and the still remaining statistically significant  differences between girls and boys especially in the growth of aggression and in  some more serious forms of aggression. Furthermore, a characteristic of aggressive student behaviours is presented taking into account six. categories: aggression and physical abuse, aggression and verbal abuse, psychological abuse, aggression and violence with objects, aggression and violence using gun, sexual abuse, and all other kinds of demoralisation and social maladjustment. A comparison of referenced findings from 2003 with those from 1997, required using not only the same research procedure (self-report questionnaire) but also taking up the very same classification of aggressive behaviours. Prevention of aggressive student behaviours can be effective if performed after correct diagnosis of such phenomenon, of its causes and only if an adequate means to diagnose will be used. An important element of the diagnosis is recognising aggression amongst students depending on the stage of their primary and secondary education. In 1997 there was no early secondary schooling yet, therefore only primary and secondary school students were verified. This very article introduces results of strengthening of different forms of aggressive behaviours in primary, lower secondary, general secondary schools, specialised secondary schools, technical secondary schools and basic vocational schools. What can be quickly noticed is a fact that all named forms of violent behaviours take place in the studied population independently of the kind of school, yet their intensity is different. These differences are provided by the received chi-squared coefficients presented in the tables. An additionally modified categorisation of aggression has been used for a more clear and efficient presentation of aggressive behaviours in schools for the future prevention. Two criteria have been taken -  the strength of a deed and who it is directed at. In that way nine, instead of six, categories of aggression have been established: aggression and physical abuse, aggression against teachers, aggression against objects, psychological abuse, auto-aggression, family disobedience, verbal aggression, aggression with threatening to use a dangerous object, sexual abuse, take over, theft, being arrested by the police. For primary school the most characteristic behaviours are verbal aggression (31,1% of students admit to behave that way), physical aggression but to a lesser  degree (13,7% of students), aggression against teachers (11,6%) aggression against objects (8,8%). Other forms of aggression occur less often, they are admitted by 2,6% to 5,1 % of students. In the lower secondary schools we can  observe a higher figure of students using also other forms of aggression. Still the dominant form of aggression is the verbal one (38,1% of students), auto-aggression appears more strongly in form of alcohol and abuse of  other psychoactive substances (19,9%), aggression against teacher has a higher level too (19%), as well as against objects (17,2%), physical abuse (12,7%). Psychological abuse, together with family disobedience occur more often than in primary schools. There is another difference in escalation of aggressive behaviours at the stage of lower secondary schools. Secondary schools, specialised secondary shools, as well as basic vocational schools, as shown in the forms of diagrams, indicate similar symptoms of aggression, the strength of such behaviours is also comparable within that group. The most common are: auto-aggression, verbal aggression, aggression against, teachers, aggression aguinst, objects, physical abuse, family disobedience, thefts, psychological abuse. Students in basic vocational schools differ in kinds and strength of aggressive behaviours. And primarily, more commonly than other students in their age, they show aggression and physical abuse. Diagnosis of aggression should not only focus on the knowledge about the offenders but also on the knowledge about the victims. This aspect has thus been discussed in this research. Twenty nine incidents of aggression have been analysed, victims of which could have been students. The aggressors could have been their colleagues, teachers, or other people. This side of a problem is not mentioned in the article. What has been under study, however, was the correlation between being an aggressor and being a victim, as well as on finding out the so-called ‘only aggressors’ and ‘only victims’. The research has confirmed the dependency between being a victim and being an aggressor. Factor analysis enabled for a differentiation of the types of ‘only aggressors’, five factors were found, and types of ‘only victims’ – seven factor found, and mixed types, ‘aggressors and victims’ - five factors. The aggression diagnosis amongst students based on the analysis of kinds of forms, their intensity and popularity within a population, is at the end of the article and it allows for stating that aggressive student behaviours are becoming a particular form of student ‘adaptation’ to the expectations of other fellow students, teachers and parents. They take more diversified forms, the number of behaviours dangerous to health and safety increases, too. Students attack teachers more often, despite the fact that teachers do try to limit their aggressive behaviours. In the student environment there is a growing number of far more serious incidents. The higher the education stage, aggressive behaviours do not decrease, the numer of aggressive students increases and the hierarchy of their order changes. The most worrying is an increase in number of students abusing alcohol and other psychoactive substances. Such behaviours are considered as forms of auto-aggression in this article. The report finishes with conclusions addressed to teachers, pedagogues, and pedagogic school supervisors for they could be included in the educational programmes and prevention methods to which schools are obliged by the adequate legal acts from the educational system and ministerial directives.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2004, XXVII; 115-153
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość i zachowania dewiacyjne współczesnej młodzieży polskiej (badania typu self-report)
    Crime and Deviant Behaviour of Contemporary Polish Youth (Self-report Study)
    Autorzy:
    Kossowska, Anna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699106.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2006
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    przestępczość nieletnich
    zachowania dewiacyjne
    młodzież
    badania kryminologiczne
    juvenile delinquency
    deviant behaviour
    polish youth
    offences
    violent
    Opis:
    The latest self-report delinquency study took place in school year 2002/2003 on a national random school sample of 13-16 years old young people. The size of the sample was 3857 persons. The questionnaire contained questions on problem behaviour and offending (property offences, violent offences against persons and objects, computer-related offences, drugs use and selling) as well as questions on school and family situation, friends, leisure time and attitudes.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2006, XXVIII; 219-226
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Wyniki badań poziomu wiadomości szkolnych młodzieży „nie uczącej się i nie pracującej”
    The results of research into the school knowledge level of ‘not learning and not working’ youth
    Autorzy:
    Marek, Maria
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699310.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1972
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    młodzież
    nieprzystosowanie społeczne
    badania socjologiczne
    poziom wiedzy
    szkoła
    youth
    sociological research
    social maladjustment
    knowledge level
    school
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1972, V; 118-133
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Młodzież nie przystosowana społecznie (badania katamnestyczne)
    The socially maladjusted youth (a follow-up study)
    Autorzy:
    Ostrihanska, Zofia
    Wójcik, Dobrochna
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699267.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1989
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    młodzież
    niedostosowany społecznie
    zachowanie
    badania katamnestyczne
    chłopcy
    spożywanie alkoholu
    sądy karne
    youth
    socially maladjusted
    catamnestic research
    boys
    alcohol consumption
    behaviour
    Opis:
                  The paper presents further fates of socially maladjusted children from Warsaw elementary schools in the period from 1976-1978 (when they were examined for the first time) till 1985 (when they were interviewed again and their criminal records were checked). The children to be included in the study had been indicated by their teachers due to intense and cumulated symptoms of social maladjustment (though nor necessarily offences). The following acts were found to be symptoms of maladjustment: regular truancy, loitering, running away from home; contacts with demoralized peers; thefts; drinking of alcohol; sexual depravation; vandalism; aggressive behaviour. Further fates of those examined persons were compared with the fates of their non-maladjusted classmates whose fathers, socio-professional status was the same as in the basic group.                Four to six years passed from the initial interview till the catamnesis. Criminal records were checked for a period of about seven years. During the first study, boys from both groups were aged 10-16; accordingly, they were aged 16-24 during the follow-up period. The second study included  243 maladjusted boys, with the control group of  139, while 262 and 151 boys respectively had been examined during the first study.                Longitudinal studies of social maladjustment are very important, as they render it possible to appraise the initial symptoms of social maladjustment and to define their prognostic value. Such studies also make a discrimination possible between transitory difficulties which are frequently related to a definite stage of the child’s development, and behavior that requires specialistic treatment . Moreover, basing of such studies, the quality and results of interventions taken towards the socially maladjusted youth can be appraised.                The follow-up study was aimed at answering the following questions:  a) What - if any were the changes of family situation of boys from both groups ? b)What were the further fates of the socially maladjusted boys as compared with member of the control group? In particular, did they finish elementary school, did they continue their education, what secondary school did they choose and did they finish that school? c) Do those out of school work? What profession are they in? Are they satisfied with that profession and the work they perform? d) What are the leisure habits of the examined boys? e) What are the drinking habits, delinquency, and criminal records of the socially maladjusted boys as compared with their peers from the control group ? In both groups, the examined persons family situation underwent various changes during the catamnesis, and so did the relations between them and their parents. The changes consisted mainly in 42.8 per cent of the maladjusted boys staying temporarily away from which frequently resulted from the court's or educational authorities decisions to send them to educational or correctional institutions. Boys from the control group usually spent the entire follow-up period at home.               The two groups differed as regards their family environments, those of the  socially maladjusted boys being much less favourable. These differences grew during the follow-up period as regards many factors (broken home, the fathers irregular employment or lack of permanent job, excessive drinking). Also the school situations clearly differentiated the two-groups both in the first study and during the follow-up period. At the moment of the second examination, only one boy from the control group was still going to elementary school, while there were as many as 40 (16.5 per cent) of such boys among those socially maladjusted. This proportion seems very large the fact considered we deal here with young persons whose intellectual development is normal, and with the educational level necessary for the individual’s future professional activities and participation in the country’s social and cultural life . (The fact should also be stressed here that in the first study, nearly half of the socially maladjusted boys were in standard VII at the very least, and thus not far from finishing school). As shown by our study, the chances for learning and finishing elementary school later in life are extremely poor.                All members of the control group and two-thirds of the socially maladjusted boys learned on after finishing elementary school. It appeared that those from the basic group not only continued education less frequently (this fact being related to their educational backwardness), but also changed and left schools (35.1 per cent) much more frequently than boys from the control group (21.1 per cent).  It seems, however, that changing and leaving school takes place very often in the control group, too. This testifies to learning difficulties of elementary school graduates and to their frequent mistakes in choosing the line and type of education. It is worth mentioning here that, in the light of the  examined persons statements, the institutions assigned to render professional guidance to young persons influenced their decisions to a minimal degree only.                At the moment of follow-up interviews, as many as 162 socially maladjusted boys and only 35 members of the control group were already out of school. Less than a half (46.9 per cent) of  the former finished elementary school, while nearly all (97.6 per cent) of those from the control group who were  not learning anymore managed to reach that educational level. The secondary schools which the socially maladjusted boys who were not learning anymore finished were frequently (in 35.5 per cent of case) shortened courses.                The examined persons often left elementary school defeated and hostile towards it; they had no professional aspirations and acceptable leisure habits. Our findings seem to demonstrate that elementary school and the associated institutions frequently fail confronted with difficult children from negative families. An appraisal of the examined persons, employment is difficult due to their different life situations and ages. Among those employed from the control group there was a greater number of apprentices as compared with the socially maladjusted group (where  apprentices constituted 5-per cent only of those employed). Nearly half of those from the basic group (46.4 per cent) were skilled workers, and 44.3 per cent performed manual work that required no professional qualifications. Thus in nearly half of the cases, when starting on their professional careers, socially maladjusted boys had no chance to train in a profession.                The two groups also differ greatly as regards professional aspirations and their fulfillment.  The socially maladjusted  boys  had no particular professional plans in a greater proportion of cases (27 per cent) than members of  the control group (7 per cent). Asked whether  the professional plans they hand on finishing elementary school ever came true , nearly  half (48 per cent) of the socially maladjusted answered in the negative, and just 20 per cent-in the affirmative. The respective proportions were reversed In the control group: 53 per cent of affirmative and 30.7 per cent of negative answers.               Generally speaking, those employed are not pleased with their earnings. Asked about the wages which which satisfy them, they frequently mentioned sums several times higher than what they were paid. The fact is worthy of notice that those who finished a secondary school are not at all those who earn most. As shown by the analysis of the examined persons, leisure habits, the socially maladjusted are more passive in this respect, their leisure activities being less diversified and restricted to having fun and social contacts only. The leisure habits they follow create frequent opportunities to drink alcohol, and some of their activities (like a game of billiards or cards) make it necessary for them always to have money which they would spend on such games. The following conclusions can be drawn from the analysis of the examined persons drinking habits: during catamnesis, 43.1 per cent of the socially maladjusted and 25.1 per cent of members of the control group drank alcohol (vodka or wine) at least once a week and or drank larger amounts on one occasion (i. e. more than 200 cl. Vodka or 600 cl. wine). the respective proportions of teetotalers (according to their own and their mothers statements) were 15.7 and 19.6 per cent. The boys who had drunk repeatedly in the first study were also found to drink regularly during the follow-up period, while a considerable proportion of those who had abstained from alcohol before drank only seldom and small amounts later on, too. An opinion is thus justified that repeated drinking by children and young persons, if it stars at a young age (and particularly if it accompanied by other symptoms of social maladjustment), is not a transistory phenomenon but develops into a relatively persistent lifestyle and leisure habit with time, those affected following that habit in the company of similarly oriented peers. In the first study, repeated drinking coexisted with other symptoms of social maladjustment, such as truancy, running away from home, stealing etc. As shown by the analysis of such persons further life situation, their attitude towards and extent of drinking does not change with time as a rule, instead, their drinking habits grow more excessive and are related, like before, to disturbed socialization.                Moreover, regular drinking is related to other negative factors as well. Excessive drinkers among those socially maladjusted frequently failed to finish school; is they succeeded after all, it was usually a year or more later than their peers. This fact negatively influenced their chances to learn on and to train in a profession. Among such boys there was also a greater proportion of those who neither learned nor worked during the catamnesis (p<0.05). Stealing was also more frequent among them (p<0.001), and so were contacts with peers who committed thefts (p<0.01) and who drank regularly (p<0.02), as well as drug abuse (p<0.05) and self-mutilations (p<0.02), committed more frequently as compared with the remaining socially maladjusted boys.                Also in the control group, boys who drank during the fallow-up period stole (p<0.01), belonged to regularly drinking peer groups (p<0.001), and stayed out of school and work (p<0.01) more frequently than others from that group.                Therefore, regular drinking renders difficult such examined persons proper start into adult life.                As regards criminal records, the group of socially maladjusted proved to be differentiated. This concerns both the initial stage of our study when one-third of those boys had already had cases at family courts, and the follow-up period when the percentage of those with criminal records went up to 55.8. As many as 30 per cent of the examined persons had cases at criminal courts after the age of 17, and every fourth of those who had cases at courts (both family and common courts) had been convicted at least four times. Despite the differentiation, the data concerning criminal records are rather alarming, the extent of delinquency gradually becoming higher during the seven years of catamnesis.                If we compare socially maladjusted boys who never had any cases at court with those previously convicted, the number of convictions taken into account, these two groups prove to differ not only as regards their respective careers in this regards. It appears that various negative factors found both in the examined persons themselves and in their families and peer groups are more frequent in those previously convicted and repeatedly convicted as compared with those. who have no criminal record. Fathers of the former have their own criminal records more frequently, and the boys themselves more often have stealing and drinking friends. They also reveal a greater number of various symptoms of social maladjustment; during the follow-up period, more of them neither learned nor worked, and more failed to finish elementary school or only finished it behind time.                As follows from our study social maladjustment when going to elementary school does not necessarily determine such young persons' further demoralization. The group of socially maladjusted boys is highly diversified in many respects. At the same time, it also differs greatly from the control group, being much worse: those socially maladjusted reach a lower educational level and wages, are more displeased with their own lives, and more excessive in their drinking habits, and also commit offences and have cases at court more frequently. The extent of maladjustment found in that group seems rather large which manifests among others the small range and poor effectiveness of preventive actions taken towards the examined persons by the competent educational institutions.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 141-188
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Zachowania dewiacyjne młodzieży w Warszawie w 1993 r. (badania typu self-report)
    Deviant Behavior n Warsaw Youth in 1993
    Autorzy:
    Kossowska, Anna
    Krawczyk, Jacek
    Rzeplińska, Irena
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699078.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1995
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    zachowania dewiacyjne
    młodzież
    Warszawa
    nieprzystosowanie społeczne
    przestępczość
    badania typu self-report
    deviant behavior
    youth
    Warsaw
    social maladjustment
    delinquency
    self-report study
    Opis:
    1. The findings discussed in the paper have been obtained within an international research project aimed at comparing the extent of self-reported deviant behavior of youth 11 West-European countries (Finland, England, Nord Ireland the Netherland, Germany, Belgium, Switzerland, portugal, Greece, Spain and Italy), the United States and New Zealand. The questionnaire ultimately used in all countries participating in the project resulted from long negotiations and was in fact a compromise. It contained questions about both the respondents’ deviant behavior and their social situation with consideration to variables of importance from the viewpoint of the theory of social control. Deviant behavior was divided into the following six groups: l) behavior manifesting social maladjustment (as.e.g. truancy or stealing rides); 2) destruction of objects (vandalism); 3) appropriation of another person’s property; 4) aggressive behavior; 5) alcohol consumption; and 6) drug taking and selling.  Examined were young people from Warsaw, born in the years 197l‒1978; the sample consisted of 701 persons aged 14‒21 at the time of the survey. At the moment of the interview, 80.5 % of respondents either had a job or went to school.  Most respondents (65.9%) stated they were on good terms with their father. Even a greater proportion of 88.5% were on good terms with their mother. Ten percent of the sample had no contacts whatever with their father, and a much smaller proportion (2.3%) ‒ with their mother.  Apart from 42 persons, respondents stated they had real friends; over a half had one to three such friends. The rest mentioned larger groups as their friends. Forty-seven percent had a girl- or boyfriend; two-thirds would like the relationship to last. Of the examined 363 boys, 84.8% had played truant from school at least once for one day. The proportion tended to grow bigger with respondents’ age. It showed a regular upward trend from 50% among the14-year-olds to 100% among boys of 23. Of the examined 383 girls, played truant, with the proportion reaching its peak value of l00% among the 2l-year-olds, and showing an upward trend from 33.3% among the 14-year-olds to  97.4% among girls of 19. Another widespread phenomenon was stealing rides on city buses, trolley buses, or trams. Those who had stolen a ride at least once constituted 95.9% of the boys and 89.3% of the girls. Stealing rides on trains or intercity buses was much less widespread. It was admitted by 35.8% of the boys and 22% of the girls. Driving a car or motorcycle without a license or a motorbike without a bicycle permit was admitted by 52.6% of the boys and 29.9% of the girls. A further act we inquired about was painting or spraying walls, buses, bus seats and stops, etc. Such acts were admitted by 22.9% of the boys and 12.7% of the girls. Still another group of acts qualified as vandalism includes acts that result in destruction of or damage to property. The largest group of both boyg and girls tend to vandalise school furniture (22.3% of the boys and 13% of the girls), as well as trees, bushes and flowers in parks and squares (18.2 and 10.1% respectively). Asked whether they had ever carried any weapon, such as a knife, club, knuckle-duster, or gas pistol, 43.3% of the boys and 26.6% of the girls answered in the affirmative.             Relatively large were the proportions of boys (25.9%) and girls (10.7%) who had ever participated in brawls or group disturbances in a public place.             A proportion of 7.2% of the boys and 1.8% of the girls admitted having beaten a stranger. Cases of beating a family member were occasional: they were admitted by 1.4% of the boys and 0.6% of the girls. Also a small proportion of 3.3% of the boys and 1.3% of the girls admitted having wounded another person with a knife, club or another weapon. Intentional arson was admitted by 5.5% of the boys and 1.2% of the girls. Offenses against property or acts consisting in appropriation of property without the knowledge or consent of its owner were related frequent in the sample.             Of the 702 young persons, 55.1% had committed at least one of the listed fourteen categories of acts. This proportion is rather big the fact considered that average young people were examined. Of the 14 categories of acts against property consisting in its appropriation, the youth most often admitted shoplifting, purchasing stolen property, breaking and entering, and thefts at school. Questions relating to drugs concerned two points: the taking of drugs and their selling by respondents. The drugs inquired about were divided into two categories, each of them asked about separately: marihuana and hashish (the first category); and home-made poppy straw brew, heroin, cocaine and LSD (the second category). A proportion of 16.5% admitted having ever taken marihuana or hashish. Boys admitted this behawior more often than girls (with proportions of boys and girls balanced in the sample): every fifth boy and every eighth girl had experiences with this category of drugs. A much smaller proportion of 2% admitted having ever taken the second category of drugs. Answers stating that the respondent had ever taken marihuana or hashish were evenly distributed in the sample and tended to become more frequent with age. The declared use of the second category of drugs was very rare and evenly distributed in age groups from 16 to 21. Ten persons,  among them 9 boys, admitted having sold marihuana or hashish. Most were aged 16‒18, that is still went to school. They stated that the police had never learned about their doings. Four persons admitted having sold the second category of drugs. They had sold amphetamine, cocaine, or psychedelic drugs in their neighborhood. None had been caught at the act. Asked, “Have you ever drunk beer, wine, vodka or another alcoholic beverage?”, nearly the entire sample (95.9% of the boys and 94.7% of the girls) answered in the affirmative. Asked about the age of their first contact with alcohol, 3.7% mentioned the age of under ten; 19.8% ‒10‒14; 48.3% ‒ 14‒16; and 17.l% ‒ 17‒21. The proportion of respondents who had happened to get drunk at least once was 56.3%. Asked about drinking during the year preceding the survey, 93.6% said they had drunk in that period; 50.3% admitted having drunk on up to 10 occasions, 18.1%  ‒  on ll‒24 occasions, 10.6% ‒ on 25‒50 occasions, and 20.9% ‒ on over 50 occasions. The last time before the survey, the respondents drank: beer (43.8%), vodka (35.6%), wine (27.6%), and long drinks (10%). A majority of 86.5% drank in the company of others; under 10% had one companion, two-thirds of the rest drank in a group of 2‒10 persons, and the remaining ‒ in a larger company. In the international survey, national samples were examined in four countries (Switzerland, England and Wales, Portugal, and the Netherlands). In Spain, the survey concerned a large national urban sample. Examined in further two countries (Germany and North Ireland) were random samples from specific cities (Mannheim and Belfast respectively). Four other countries decided to examine a random sample of school youth from a specific city (Helsinki; three ltalian cities: Genova, Messina and Siena; Liege). The United States and New Zealand were left out from comparisons. Thus in principle the findings to be compared were not necessarily comparable. Yet it seems advisable to discuss the general trends shown in national surveys. What, therefore, are the similarities and dissimilarities between Poland and Western Europe? As regards the incidence of delinquency, considerable similarities can be noticed between findings of all national surveys but the English one. In surveys of city samples (those of school youth included), significant similarity can be noticed in the extent of delinquent acts “ever committed” by the young of Warsaw, Helsinki, and Athens. As regards the extent of acts committed “during last year”, the findings obtained in Warsaw are highly similar to those for Helsinki. In Athens, instead, the greatest extent of juvenile delinquency of all examined cities was found. A comparison of acts committed “during last year” indicates a similar intensity of offenses against property among the youth of Warsaw, Belfast, and Liege; as compared to Warsaw, a much greater extent of there offences is found in Helsinki and of Swiss youth, and a decidedly smaller one - in the English and Italian sample. Submitting offenses against property to a closer analysis, one notices that the Polish youth relatively more often commit acts consisting in “breaking and entering” as compared c.g. to young people in England, the Netherlands, or Finland: this type of act was committed at least once by 20.7% of the Polish sample, by 14.9% of the youth of Helsinki, by 3.4% of the English youth, and by 6.9% of the young Dutch. The extent of acts related to drugs (taking and trafficking), among Warsaw youth is similar to that among the young of Portugal and Helsinki, somewhat lower than among the Dutch and Spanish youth, much lower than among the English, Swiss, and Belfast young people, but higher than among the youth of Mannheim, Liege, Athens and the three Italian cities.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1995, XXI; 81-103
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Młodociani recydywiści
    Young adult recidivists
    Autorzy:
    Szelhaus, Stanisław
    Baucz-Straszewicz, Zofia
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699148.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1960
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    młodociani recydywiści
    przestępczość młodocianych recydywistów
    badania
    Zakład Kryminologii Państwowej Akademii Nauk
    wykolejenie społeczne
    młodzież
    young adults recidivists
    delinquency of young adults recidivists
    Department of Criminology at the Institute of Legal Sciences of the Polish Academy of Science
    research
    young adult
    social maladjustment
    young adult recidivists
    delinquency of young adult recidivists
    Opis:
    Investigation has covered 100 recidivists between the ages of 18 and 21, serving their term in jail; its purpose was to bring to light the scope of social misfitting and delinquency of the individuals with whom delinquency and recidivism seem to be of recent origin. Investigation has covered the individuals domiciled in Warsaw, who have been punished for at least the second time after having reached the age when penal responsibility begins (i.e. their seventeenth year of age) and have gone to jail for at least the second time. The investigation, started at the end of 1956 and finished in the middle of 1958, was conducted in two Warsaw jails and three provincial ones. All young adult recidivists with a condemning sentence who were at that time in jail were investigated, without making any selection of the cases, apart from the criteria enumerated above. The investigation, however, has taken into consideration data from judicial records and prison records, as well as from the Convicts, Register. Talks with the mothers of the convicts have provided material concerning the family home, the diseases which the convicted person had gone through, his pre-school and school days, way of life, etc. Psychological and medical examination has also been carried out. Young adult recidivists have been examined on an average, from four to five times within a few hours. In the case of those of the investigated who have been released from prison before December 1st , 1958, follow-up studies were carried out, to comprise a period of from six months to one year. 1. In investigating 100 young adult recidivists past record it was established that as many as 79 of them had been previously tried by a juvenile court (even though the law-court which tried them after they had completed the seventeenth year of age knew about that in a mere 23 cases). Apart from that, another 12 had committed thefts during their minority without being prosecuted before the law-courts. Consequently a mere 9 of all the investigated began to commit criminal offences after they were 16. The beginnings of delinquency took place in 19 per cent of the cases before the tenth year of their rives, and in 68 per cent before the thirteenth; it is highly probable however, that in reality the beginnings of their delinquency were earlier than that. Investigation into the further destinies of 79 investigated persons who had been tried while still minors has established the fact that 85 per cent of their number found themselves in jail before the lapse of two years from the moment of being released from a house of correction, or from their last trial before a juvenile court. As far as the 43 investigated. persons are concerned who had previously been in institutions for delinquent boys (training schools), as many as 27 were arrested before the lapse of six months from their release from such an institution, 12 remained at large for periods ranging from six months to one year and only 4 from one year to two years. The total of the data concerning the number of trials before both juvenile and ordinary courts looked as follows: out of 100 recidivists 13 had been tried twice, 20 - 3 times, 29 – 4 times, 17 - 5 times, 11 - 6 times, 10 - 7 or more times. Consequently 67 per cent of the investigated had already been tried 4 or more times, and every fifth one of them - 6 or more times. As far as their first term in jail is concerned, 16 of the investigated found themselves in jail before having attained the age of criminal responsibility, as a rule owing to their having given false birthdata at the time of their arrest, 55 at the age of 17, 26 at the age of 18 and a mere 3 at 19 years of age. Nearly one half of the recidivists had spent more time in jail than at large (from the moment of having reached the age of criminal responsibility), while the longest spell at large between one arrest and the next amounted to: below six months with 49 per cent of the investigated, from six months to one year with 33 per cent, while it was more than one year with a mere 18 per cent. Taking into consideration the kind of offences committed, we may divide the material under investigation into the following groups: A. Young adult recidivists punished exclusively for offences against property (as a rule, thefts) - 39 cases. B. Young adult recidivists punished exclusively for offences against life and health (grievous injury to the body, and slight bodily harm, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability as well as for insulting a functionary of the police). There were only 10 offenders who committed such offences out of ,,hooligan" motives only, among all those investigated. C. Young adult recidivists punished for offences against property as well as for grievous injury to the body and slight bodily harm, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability and insult to police functionaries - 51 cases. A. As for the persons investigated who had been punished only for offences against property (nearly exclusively for theft), they began to commit offences at the age of from 9 to 12 years, i.e. earlier than the rest. The first thefts, as a rule, took place in the family home. The majority of the perpetrators had been punished several times for theft by a juvenile court; one half of these, recidivists are criminals whose principal source of income are thefts, and, all of them had spent more time in jail than at large. It should be emphasized that both recidivists belonging to this group and the remaining ones had, in an overwhelming majority of cases (91 per cent), lived in their parents', or else their mothers’, homes, and were able to have their meals at home (70 per cent). B. The beginnings of delinquency with the persons investigated who have been punished only for infringement of bodily inviolability, damage to the body, brawls and insults to police functionaries are considerably later and take place about the thirteenth to the sixteenth year of age. Similarly, the rate of penalties inflicted is smaller, and the spells of liberty much longer than with the thief group. Nearly all such acts (accosting and beating up a passer-by in the street, insult by word of mouth or beating up a policeman, etc.) were committed while under the influence of drink. Nearly All of the investigated who belong to this group systematically abuse alcohol, and their delinquency is closely connected with their drunkenness. C. The most numerous group of persons convicted, those punished both for theft and for damage to the body, brawls, infringement of bodily inviolability and insult to a policemen, may be divided into two sub-groups: Sub-Group One, 30 strong, consists of individuals who commit more thefts then other offences. They do not fundamentally differ from the individuals who belong to the thief group, either as to the objects of theft and their value, or as to the method of committing their crime. Here, too, we have to do with individuals for whom thefts constitute their principal source of income. Sub-Group Two, 27 strong, is composed of the individuals who commit more offences of injury to the body, insulting policemen and similar offences commited out of so-called hooligan motives, than thefts. This group approaches the individuals discussed in point B. It is characteristic of them that 11 (out of a total of 15 recorded in our materials) of perpetrators of robbery are to be found in this group. In the material investigated by us robbery goes hand in hand almost exclusively with offences committed from hooligan motives. When we evaluate the general degree of social misfitting of 100 of the investigated we may state that as many as 82 per cent of them belong to the category of manifold recidivists, who, as a rule, work only, if at all, by fits and starts, and are in close connection with the criminal environment. Particularly bad in this respect was the case of 35 of the investigated. 2. In so far as the family environment of young adult recidivists is concerned, we meet with a large percentage (53 per cent) of half-orphans; out of that number in 39 cases it was the mother who took care of the person investigated, in 5 cases - the father, while in the remaining 9 cases there was a stepfather or stepmother. 79 of the fathers were workers (of which 34 unskilled ones), 16 – clerical workers, 5 had their own artisan workshops. The majority of the mothers also earned their living, as a rule, as unskilled workers. The extent of alcoholism in the families under investigation is very considerable: 38 of the fathers can be considered drunkards - for many years they have been systematically drinking, they get drunk several times a week, spend their wages on drink. In the remaining families 29 fathers drink, on the average, from twice to three times a week, while 32 drink only sporadically and do not get drunk. Taking into consideration the educational atmosphere of the home, as well as the state of care and control in the environment during the period of the minority of the persons investigated, it was established that in 58 families the whole set of educationally definitely harmful factors was present. 3. The data obtained during the investigation concerning the personality of young recidivists speak in favor of the view that the latter are characterized by features which prove their low psychical maturity, and, in particular, a domination of impulsive reactions, a considerable and uncontrollable thoughtlessness, acting in the wake of motives responsible for the desire to make the most of life, in the form of continual entertainments and adventures, and a desire to impose on one’s coevals. A striking thing here is a lack of planning, absence of reflections on their future life, as well as of any more serious considerations for work, which, with them, is not identified with the idea of any definite trade; there is also a failure to appreciate critically the effects of one's own behavior. As far as the level of intelligence is concerned, only 11 of the investigated showed signs of mental deficiency. There were 18 individuals of more than average intelligence. A psychological and psychopathological analysis of the investigated shows that 39 of those recidivists are to be included in the category of persons with personality disorders, who are usually described by the name of psychopaths. Yet it does not seem possible, on the basis of the investigation, to delimit the cases which could be diagnosed as psychopathic from such in which the normal development of the personality has suffered serious disturbances, mostly as a result of serious psychical shocks and psychical conflicts during their childhood. There can be no doubt, however, that the psychical qualities of the investigated cannot be squeezed within the framework of even a broad norm adopted, that their personality has pathological traits which exert an essential influence upon their behavior. In comparison with this most numerous group of 39 of the investigated, who are usually approached from the point of view of psychopathy, other pathological cases are not numerous in the material under investigation: with 6 of the investigated we have to do with encephalopathy after skull lesions, with 4 - with psychical changes after an 3 encephalitis, while 3 of the investigated suffer from epilepsy. In analyzing the abnormal personality traits with these 39 recidivists, the following re-occurring psychical qualities and reaction attitudes (incidentally mentioned in conversation by the investigated themselves) have been met with: a great irritability, lack of self-control, a tendency to provoke conflicts owing to an impulsive pattern of behavior, considerable difficulties in trying to subordinate oneself to various kinds of discipline, frequent states of depression and bad feeling, o tension and anxiety. It ought to be emphasized that out of 39 recidivists with serious personality disorders there were as many as 30 cases of very bad family environment in childhood. Besides, in all this material in which the family home so frequently assumes a negative outlook, it is noteworthy how many of young adult recidivists showed no emotional attachment whatsoever to their parents, including a large percentage of individuals of a very aggressive attitude. Among 47 young adults of a definitely aggressive attitude there were 30 lacking any emotional ties with the family home, and among the others there were only 10 free from an aggressive attitude. It is a significant thing that it is precisely with those of the investigated, revealing clear tendencies to aggression, over-impulsive, uncontrolled, that, in comparison with the other investigated, the various emotional conflicts appear much more conspicuously conflicts going back to childhood days, caused by an atmosphere in the family home (a feeling of loneliness due to the lack of manifestations of any tenderer feeling on the part of the mother, jealousy of a brother or sister, because the father liked them better, experiences of fear evoked by the brutality of a drunken father and an ambivalent attitude towards him, etc.) 4. As far as their mode of life was, concerned, only 16 of the investigated, who worked systematically, led a life similar to that of the generality of young people of the same age and of similar social environment. With the remaining ones we find a definitely negative attitude to work, while 32 of them worked very unsystematically, and 52 did but odd jobs or did not work at all. An overwhelming majority of the investigated spent most of their time strolling about the town, sitting in restaurants or nighthouses etc. Alcoholism reached big proportions with 56 of the investigated. They drink at least four or five times per week and frequently get drunk, while the majority of this group drink, and get drunk, every day. All the sons of alcohol addicts belong to this group. 27 of the investigated drink alcohol from once to three times per week, and it is only of 17 of them that it can be said that they either do not drink at all, or else drink only on rare occasions. 5. In our investigation, problems concerning the penalty and prison have been taken into consideration, first and foremost, under two of their aspects: whether or not, and if so, to what extent, the penalty of imprisonment does act, as a deterrent upon the persons investigated, according to their own opinion, and what influence a spell in prison had previously exerted upon them. Nearly all of them (70 answers have been obtained) believe that a penalty of imprisonment can act as a deterrent only on those who have not been in prison yet. Afterwards, that deterrent action ceases, since the prisoner comes to the conclusion that ,,you can get used to anything and bear any conditions". All the investigated also think that a spell in prison, so far from favouring their reformation, derailed them even further. Questioned whether after serving their present penalty they would go on committing criminal offences, 45 of the investigated answered indecisively, while admitting the possibility of their further committing offences, 15 declared bluntly that they would go on stealing, and a more 10 asserted that they would never again appear in the dock (their previous offences had, as a rule, to do with alcoholism). After the investigation was terminated, the further destinies of the 100 young adult recidivists who had been investigated were checked and it appeared. That 42 of them still served prison sentences, 29 had been released and remained at large, while another 29 had been once more arrested after their release for the commission of a new crime. Of the latter group, 17 remained free less than six months, 9 - from six months to one year, and only 3 for more than one year. It ought to be emphasized that out of the 29 investigated persons who were not arrested again after having been released from prison, 10 had been free for only about six months at the time of the last follow-up study. The results of the investigation bear witness to the fact that 80 per cent of young adult recidivists systematically commit criminal offences and belong to the category of the socially entirely depraved. The fundamental conclusion boils down to the following questions: The prophylaxis of young adults recidivism is closely connected with the problem of the recidivism of juvenile delinquents and with the problem of the earliest possible interception of the process of the juvenile's demoralization. With regard to recidivists aged from 17 to 20 the imprisonment penalty ought to be altogether eliminated and long-term educational-cum-correctional methods applied, similar to those used with older juveniles with a high minimum term (two years). Young adult recidivists ought to be submitted to detailed psychological and psychiatrical examination in order to find and apply the appropriate, individualized methods of re-education.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1960, I; 165-214
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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