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Tytuł:
Uzależnienie od alkoholu a religijność środowiska społecznego
Alcohol Dependence and Religiousness of social environment
Autorzy:
Szlachcicowa, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699176.pdf
Data publikacji:
1996
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
uzależnienie
alkohol
religijność
środowisko społeczne
addiction
alcohol
religiousness
social environment
Opis:
The treatment of alcoholism poses exceptionally numerous problems; what is more, it is but seldom that the traditional treatment of alcohol dependent persons (alocoholics) proves successful. The activity of Alcoholics Anonymous provides sufficient proof that the use of religious faith in the treatment of alcoholics may yield desirable results. Faith is to help alcoholics towards spiritual revival and formition of a new personality enabling them to abstain. The research project aimed at verifying a general hypothesis that religiousness may be one of catalysts of abstention during disaccustoming treatment. We sought to answer the question about the impact of religious faith on the examined alcoholics’ attitude to drinking. Thus religiousness was treated in our statistical analyses as one of the factors that condition the alcohol-related behaviour of persons in the course of disaccustoming treatment. Empirical research was conducted in the years 1984-1985 in Lower Silesia and involved four populations. The study bases on a representative sample of 322 persons treated in outpatient disaccustoming clinics (Ao) and 135 patients of hospital disaccustoming wards (Aн). Aiming to “reproduce” the social environment of alcoholics, we selected control groups (Ko) and (Kн) to match the former two populations. Each member of the control soup matched a member of the population of alcoholics in respect of the following socio-demographic traits: sex, age, marital status, place of residence, level of education, occupation and source of maintenance. Thus the above socio-demographic traits were distributed identically in the populations of alcoholics and their corresponding control groups (A=K). Not at all trivial is the role in this process of environmental factors. Alcohol consumption is not distributed evenly throughout society, the bulk of alcoholic beverages being consumed by a small proportion of Polish people. The high degree of concentration of vodka consumption indicates the existence of sociaf environments which are much more alcoholism-prone than the rest of society. For this reason, in the research project we focused on reconstruction of the characteristics of the social environments that "supply" outpatient clinics and hospitals with alcoholics. The drinking habits in the two examined populations (Aօ and Aн) differ. The differences concern both the frequency of drinking and the amount of alcohol consumed on one occasion. Some of those differences should be stressed here: porsons treated in outpatient clinics tend to drink strong alcoholic beverages more often but exercise some restraint as regards the amount consumed on one occasion. The hospital patients, instead, tend rather to get drunk whenever drinking but drink less often. Due to this difference, the risk of becoming an alcoholic is bigger in the environment that “supplies” patients to hospitals as compared to that of persons treated in outpatient clinics. Members of the population of hospital patients were somewhat younger. Frequent excessive drinking results in a high degree intoxication that speeds up the development of alcoholism in young patients. What has also to be stressed is the fact that the alcoholics’ social backgrounds differ in many other respects as well. Among hospital patients, as opposed to persons treated in outpatient clinics, there is a bigger proportion of men; they are younger (as has been mentioned above) but also polarized to a greater extent as regards age; more of them live in villages and small towns; they have no family of their own (either they have not yet established one or the family they established has already disintegrated); they have no children; they earn a lot but have no flat of their own; they are ernployed as qualified manual workers; some find it difficult to stay on a regular job. Coincidence of the above environmental conditions increases the risk of alcohol dependence. Comparison of the hospital patients’ environment with that of persons treated in outpatient clinics offers many indications that the situation of the latter can be seen as generally more advantageous. They are somewhat older (a larger proportion of them representing the middle age categories); they have families (a lower proportion being divorced), and frequently also children; and most are permanently employed. It was revealed by the project that among hospital patients, there was a larger proportion of persons from extreme sections of distribution of socio-demographic traits while most persons treated in outpatient clinics show normal distributions of those variables. It can thus be concluded that there is among the latter a much bigger proportion of persons in a generally stable life situation. Important here is their undisturbed matrimonial life and permanent employment, as the family and workmates make it possible to control the negative effects of drinking. Just as important is the fact that the compared social environments of alcoholics (Ao and Aн) are unlike each other regarding their degree of involvement in religious practices. Persons treated in outpatient clinics show consistent attitudes towards faith; this is evidenced by a distinct polarization into those who regularly participate in religious practices and persons who never go to the church at all. Among hospital patients, instead, there is a much bigger proportion of persons who are irresolute as to their own faith and take part in religious life but occasionally. Alcoholism may lead to a lowered degree of religiousness and, as a result, to a considerable decrease in, and sometimes total desistance from participation in many religious practices. The project sought to answer questions such as e.g.: What is the degree of religiousness of examined alcoholics? Is their religiousness different from that of non-alcoholic population? If so, to what extent? General religious declarations of persons treated in outpatient clinics are similar as regards their attitudes towards faith. Instead, such persons more often declare lack of religion or religious indifference which may indicate a growing polarization of attitudes (religiousness or lack of religion). Alcoholism contributes to neglect in religious duties. Persons treated in outpatient clinics attend the Sunday service less regularly than other men from a similar social enviroment. Also, fewer alcoholics go to church on Easter: a smaller proportion (as compared to that found in a similar environment) observe the Easter duty and receive the Holy Communion. The high degree of religious declarations typical of the soclal background of hospital patients is somewhat lower in the case of alcoholics themselves. The drop is distinct, instead, as regards participation in religious practices of hospital-treated alcoholics. They attend the Sunday service but occasionally, and more often fail to go to church on Easter. On the other hand, their motivation seems stronger regarding the Easter duty. The period of hospital treatment and advanced alcoholism disturb the rhythm of periodical religious practices. We analyzed the correlation between religiousness (participation in the basic religious practices) and drinking habits. Religiousness was found to stimulate a limitation of both the frequency of drinking and the amount consumed on one occasion in men from the group of persons treated in outpatient clinics (Kօ, Ao). Regular participation in religious life through performance of the obligatory practices coincides with sobriety in everyday life. Instead, religious irresolution consisting in neglect of the Sunday and Easter practices is accompanied by a radical deterioration in the sphere of drinking habits. What seems particularly important from the viewpoint of the problems under analysis is the fact that participation in religious practices (on Sundays and Easter alike) reduces the frequency of drinking in persons treated in outpatient clinics. A drop in the amount of vodka consumed by those persons on one occasion is related mainly to the Easter practice. On the other hand, the study failed to confirm good effects of religiousness on the drinking habits in the environment of hospital patients (Kн, Aн). Hospital patients are no doubt alienated from their social background to a greater extent than persons treated in outpatient clinics. This is evidenced by their late start of the disaccustoming treatment. Over 60% of hospital patients live in small and medium-sized towns as well as villages while persons treated in outpatient clinics are chiefly inhabitants of big cities (58%) and medium-sized towns (41%). This indicates weakness of disaccustoming clinics in small localities, due to their small number, understaffing, and the locals’ unawareness of alcoholism being a disease.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1996, XXII; 43-83
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Postawy rodziców i opiekunów wobec zażywania środków uzależniających przez młodych pacjentów poradni odwykowych
Parents’ Attitudes Towards Drug Addiction of Young Patients of Disaccustoming Clinics
Autorzy:
Zakrzewski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698502.pdf
Data publikacji:
1991
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
młodociani
środki uzależniające
narkomania
badania socjologiczne
badania kryminologiczne
rodzice
opiekunowie
leczenie uzależnień
juvenile
addictive substances
drug addiction
sociological research
criminological research
parents
addiction treatment
Opis:
The paper presents the finding of a longitudinal study of two problems: the addicts’ prospects of quitting drugs, and  the psycho-social factors conducive to success in this respect. The first study (conducted in the years 1974–1976) concerned all patients aged 15–28 treated in that period for repeated taking of drugs, at the disaccustoming clinic for young persons and at district clinics for adults in the city of Łódź. The total of 107 patients were examined (23 per cent of girls and 77 per cent of young men). According to medical diagnosis, 21 per cent of them suffered from a social, 50 per cent – from a psychological, and 29 per cent – from a physical dependence. After about 10 years, a catamnesis was carried out which concerned 80 patients. The methods applied in both parts of the study were: detailed interviews with the patients and their families; medical examination; and  analysis of a variety of documents. For the estimation of the fates of the sample, the following issues were of the key importance: persistence in or abandonment of addiction; permanence of abstinence; and the extent of self-dependence achieved. This complexity of the examined persons’ situation taken into account, the following criteria of improvement have been adopted: a) medical (persistence in abstinence); b) psychological (psychological acceptance of abstinence and the resulting change of lifestyle); and c) social (active engagement in the appropriate social roles). Basing on the above criteria, the following categories were distinguished within the sample:1) persons who persisted in addiction; 2) deceased in consequence of addiction; 3) those who quit taking drugs but still had various problems resulting from their former addiction; and 4) those who quit and had no special problems. Against previous expectations, persons who kept taking drugs (26 per cent) did not constitute the mos tnumerous group. Their mean period of taking drugs was 13.6 years. Their interests and social contacts were narrowed to problems related to the taking and production or obtaining drugs. They were generally emaciated and had increasing withdrawal symptoms. Persons of this group went through several months’periods of abstinence due to treatment, imprisonment, or a favourable occurrence in their lives. All of them, however, relapsed into addiction quite promptly, particularly when faced with unavoidable difficulties. Family life or married persons in this group was unhappy, and most marriages broke up: only those between two addicts still lasted. Biographies similar to those discussed above were also found in the case of persons (9 per cent) who died during catamnesis in circumstances that pointed to their death’s relationship with the taking of drugs and with addiction, interpreted also as a certain lifestyle. All persons of this group had been taking drugs for a long time (over five years), and their death was due either to serious diseases combined with emaciation, or occurred in unexplained circumstances as a border-line case between accident, suicide, and homicide. 3.The largest group (46 per cent) consisted of persons who admittedly quit taking drugs but still had various health and social problems related to their previous addiction. Their main problems were as follows: in the sphere of physical health, chronic gastritis, entero-gastric disorders. diseases of liver, heart probiems, reduced physical endurance, disturbances of sleep, and in the sphere of mental health: anxiety, hypersensibility, difficulties in establishing relations with others, depression, low selfesteem, lack of self-confidence, high emotional instability, latent inward anxiety, etc. The most important and frequent social problems included leaving secondary school and the related subsequent lack of professional qualifications, a more difficult start into adult life, the need to relinquish certain professional aspirations and a more interesting job, and a lack of prospects of promotion. In most respondents, this caused a sense of instability and inevitably gave rise to frustrations, increasing their passiveness and apathy. This situation was particularly painful for persons whose intellligence had been rather high before they started taking drugs and who used to have various interests and aspirations. The coincidence of the ahove circumstances also negatively affected their family and marital situation. The fates of persons who quit after several years of taking drugs seem to indicate that those persons’ tolerance to stress and ability to overcome difficulties had been greatly impaired during the period of addiction: as a consequence, they were subsequently unable to cope even with everyday matters which they perceived as great problems. The last group consisted of persons (19 per cent) who had been taking drugs for a shorter period as a rule (not longer than five years in general), and who were not only able to persist in abstinence during catamnesis but also met the psychological and social criteria of improvement. A high proportion of girls in this group (over 50 per cent) seems characteristic. Moreover, nearly all those persons were married: their marriages, happy as a rule, were a great assistance to them. Therefore, the total of 65 per cent of the sample succeeded to quit addiction. What was crucial here was not exactly the form of dependence (social, psychological, physical) but rather the length of the period of taking drugs. If a person has been taking drugs for over five years, his prospects of improvement diminish greatly, and favourable results can only be obtained in the course of a prolonged rehabilitation. The reasons that made most persons in the sample abandon their addiction were seeked both in their personality traits and family environments. What is characteristic is that a considerable portion of respondents come from the intelligentsia, with an average or even high social status and good material situation (in which respect they differ greatly from e.g. juvenile delinquents or young alcoholics). There is in such families a rather small extent of pathology such as alcoholism, crime, or prostitution. In most cases, the parents’ attitude to their children’s taking of drugs should be estimated as proper. The parents played an effective role, fighting for their children to quit as a general rule. Aware of the dangers related to drugs, they took energetic steps which consisted among others in changing the child’s environment (e. g. moving with him to another town), inducing him to undergo treatment and organizing that treatment, supervising his leisure activities, etc. Parents’ improper attitudes such as scenes, turning the child out, etc., were most seldom. The analysis of the reasons which made about two-thirds of respondents quit addiction included their character and intellectual traits defined in the course of psychiatric examination. There was in the sample a rather large number of individuals with the so-called immature personality, who at the age of about 25 were still characterized by traits such as a passive attitude to life; inconsideration for their own future; a poorly developed critical attitude towards themselves and their situation; emotional immaturity; dependence on others (e.g. the mother or friends); inabitity to act effectively, to overcome obstacles and to achieve distant aims; easy discouragement when faced with difficulties, etc. It was only during catamnesis, at the age of about 25, that the respondents’ former, largely childish attitudes were transformed with delay into normal traits of young persons. This development and the crystallization of personality, connected with the parents’ activities and their proper attitude towards the children’s addiction, were conducive to abandonment of addiction by, a considerable portion of the sample. Other factors which played this favourable role in the respondents’ biographies were: a rather high intellectual level; the “psychological shock” caused e.g. by detoxification at a mental hospital or the death of a close friend due to overdose; and imprisonment and going through the withdrawal syndrome in such conditions, etc. To interpret the findings, the conception of American alcohologist J. Ewing has been used: it speaks of inducing and protecting factors in the development of alcoholism. According to Ewing, an individual who starts taking drugs regularly is influenced by a number of biological, psychological, and social factors, some of them conducive to the development of addiction and others protecting the individual against it. Despite the opinions of some researchers, “protecting” factors prove strong enough to hold back even an already addicted person and to contribute to his abandonment of drugs. With the prolongation of the period of taking drugs, the influence of protecting factors wanes, and that of the ones which induce the individual to continue the taking of drugs and thus foster a further development of addiction spreads. The following practical conclusions have been drawn from the study: – Intensified therapeutic and rehabilitative treatment, during the first years of taking drugs in particular. – Co-operation with the addicts’ parents who should be instructed (e.g. about the ways of soothing difficulties in adjustment); whose activity should be assisted, e.g. through the organization of parents’ self-help associations; whose contacts with specialist clinics should be made easier, etc. – Creation of possibilities of medical and rehabilitative treatment for various cotegories of young persons addicted to drugs (not all of them feel comfortable in the existing centres, e.g. of the MONAR movement). – Short-term hospital treatments are reasonable at the initial stage of addiction (several years of taking drugs), as in that period the addicted person’s power of resistance can be strengthened inherent both in his personality and the environment. Help and care should be provided for addicts who have already drugs but have life problems caused or aggravaquited by their previous addiction.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1991, XVII; 339-373
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Spożycie napojów alkoholowych w Polsce w 1985 r. Część I: Wzory zachowań
Consumption of alcohol in Poland in 1985. Part I: Patterns of behaviour)
Autorzy:
Jasiński, Jerzy
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699265.pdf
Data publikacji:
1989
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
zachowanie
konsumpcja
alkohol
prawo karne
uzależnienie
behavior
consumption
alcohol
criminal law
addiction
Opis:
                        THE SURVEYS Two consecutive alcohol consumption surveys were carried out in Poland in 1980 and 1985. In both of them quota samples of population 16 years of age and over were used, and the sizes of the samples were 1972 and 1808 respectively. The surveys were sponsored by the Institute of Psychiatry and Neurology which is responsible for funding research on a broad range of topics related to alcohol, its effects, use and misuse. The fieldwork was carried our by specially trained  interviewers of the Centre for Public Opinion Survey and Programme studies of the state Committee for Radio and TV in Warsaw, a well established public opinion poll institute working already for more than 30 years.             The majority of items included in the questionnaires used in each survey were identical, only some were altered, dropped entirely, or substituted for by other formulations. The preliminary part of both questionnaires concerned the relations of the respondents with other people. This was followed by a group of several questions related to the last drinking occasion: place and company of drinking, kind and amount of alcohol consumed, and the reason for drinking. In the 1985 survey more detailed information on the last occasion of drinking was collected, viz. separate questions were asked in relation to the last occasion of consumption of spirits and that of the consumption of wine, as well as on the duration of these occasions. The persons who had not consumed alcohol during the twelve months preceding the interview were asked whether they had ever drunk before, and what the reasons were for their being teetotallers.             All the respondents were requested to tell about their pleasant and unpleasant experiences with alcohol, and whether alcohol helped them or caused trouble in some situations listed in the questionnaire, and pertaining to their social and professional life. Apart from that, the respondents were asked to express their approval or disapproval of several statements concerning good and bad consequences of drinking. In this part of the questionnaire, in the 1985 survey several alterations were introduced in comparison with the former survey. What remained unchanged in the questions were those on being victimized during the last twelve months while drunk, or by a drunk person.             The questions on drinking in excess or more often than desired, or binge drinking-asked in the 1980 survey - were replaced in the 1985 survey by questions forming the CAGE questionnaire. Other questions asked in both surveys concerned the consumption of moonshine alcohol and drinking at work. The concluding part of the questionnaires was designed to obtain information on the respondents age, sex, education, place of residence, kind of work, etc.             In the above surveys, the-last-occasion approach was applied in order to estimate the size and the pattern of alcohol intake by the respondents. This approach is adopted in the majority of Polish alcohol consumption surveys, following the example of a Finnish researcher P. Kuusi.             Both surveys were carried out in mid-September, i.e. after-summer holidays, during a normal working month, without any important religious or national festivities, which would have changed to some extent the ordinary drinking practices.                                     THE BEVERAGES             During the years 1980-1985, the size of the apparent consumption of alcoholic beverages changed considerably. According to the official data derived from the statistics on sales of commodities, in 1980 the per capita consumption amounted to 8.4 litres of pure alcohol, of which 71 per cent was drunk in spirits,15 per cent- in wine, and 14 per cent -in beer. The 1985 figures were: 6,8 litres, 67, 15 and 18 per cent respectively. It looks as if the total consumption decreased substantially (by 19 per cent), but the structure of beverages consumed remained fairly stable. However , according to the opinion shared by the majority of specialists on the subject, the drop in the officially recorded consumption was associated with a marked increase in moonshine alcohol, which resulted in raising the total consumption to at least the 1980 level.             The results of the survey seem to support this assertion. The per capita self-reported consumption of alt alcoholic beverages amounted to 5.6 and  5,9 litres of pure alcohol in 1980, and 1985 respectively. Thus, instead of the 1985 drop, a slight increase occurred (by 5 per cent). Moreover, while. the self-reported consumption of the majority of the beverages remained stable a large increase was noted in the home-made beverages: the illegally distilled moonshine alcohol (spirits) and the legally made fruit wine. The consumption of moonshine spirits was in 1985 higher than that in 1980 by 130 per cent and the consumption of fruit wine was higher by 60 per cent. In1985,one-scventh of all alcoholic beverages consumed were home-made, while in 1980 - only one-thirteenth. As a result, the share of spirits in the total amount of alcohol consumed – whether legally or illegally distilled in 1985 exceeded the 71 per cent level of 1980.             Between the years 1980 and 1985 the proportion of consumers of fruit wine and spirits within the population remained stable, and that of other beverages increased. In particular, the number of those who drank moonshine spirits doubled. With the exception of fruit wine drunk in 1985 by nearly one-third of men as well as women 16 years of age and over, other beverages were consumed by far more men than women. This was particularly the case as regards beer which was drunk by 70 per cent of men and only 20 per cent of women, and moonshine spirits which were drunk by 30 per cent of men and 11 per cent of women. Spirits, which in Poland means mostly vodka, were consumed by 85 per cent of men and 62 per cent of women, and wine by 46 and 39 per cent respectively.                         FREQUENCY AND AMOUNT             The-last-occasion approach adopted in the surveys consists not only in asking the respondents of how much and of how long ago they had drunk for the last time each of, the alcoholic beverages enumerated in the questionnaire, but also in assuming that the occasions reported were typical for the ways the respondents drank.             Frequency of drinking depends heavily, among other things, on the kind of' beverage. In the Polish culture, wine is the less frequently drunk alcoholic beverage. Two-thirds of its consumers drink it at most once a month, and half of all its consumers - at most once every three months. Home-made fruit wine is being drunk even less often. Only one in five or six wine consumers drink it once a week or more often.             The consumers of spirits seem to be divided into two distinct groups, one formed by occasional drinkers (at most once a month) and the other by frequent drinkers (several times a month or even several times a week). The first group consists of one-third, and the other one of more than half of all spirits drinkers. One in five of them drinks spirits several times a week.             Most evenly distrributed on the frequency scale of drinking were the consumers of beer. Nearly as many drank it every day, every week, every month or every three months.             Similar picture emerges in respect of the amount drunk on one occasion. Regardless of the beverage, most consumers drink small quantities only. But there are also heavy drinkers who consume on one occasion at least a quarter of a litre of spirits, one litre of wine or more than one litre of beer. Those drinkers constituted one in five of spirits' consumers, even one in two of moonshine spirits consumers, and one in five of wine or beer consumers, less heavy drinkers are only among home-made fruit wine drinkers (one in ten).             The information concerning the frequency of drinking and the amount of alcohol consumed makes it possible to separate four patterns of drinking: heavy and frequent, heavy and infrequent,  moderate and frequent, moderate and infrequent. Among consumers of different beverages, the group of persons drinking moderately and infrequently was the most numerous  particularly as regards the consumers of wine, and smaller degree the consumers of spirits and moonshine spirits, and to the smallest degree-the consumers of beer. Also the group of persons drinking heavily and infrequently were relatively numerous, apart from consumers of beer, among whom the second most numerous group was that of persons drinking moderately and frequently. Every fourth or fifth consumer of beer, every seventh consumer of home-made frit wine drank much and frequently. As regards persons, who drank any two of the above-mentioned beverages, a convergence  of their drinking parents could be noticed which consisted in the following regularity: if one of the beverages was consumed according to one of the patterns, the other beverage was generally also consumed according to the same pattern.             The above results were very similar in both surveys. However, in the 1985survey, a slight shift towards greater concentration of consumption could be noticed.             One of the effects of drinking alcohol, and for some consumers probably also one of the aims of drinking, is to get drunk. Using the information from the 1985 survey on such factors as the kind and amount of beverages consumed, the duration of the drinking occasion, and the sex and weight of the respondent, the blood alcohol concentration was estimated for every drinking occasion reported. In about one quarter of drinking occasion this estimate could not be done due to the lack of some of the necessary data, most often that of the weight of the respondents.             Only one in every five events of drinking spirits and one in three events of drinking wine have not caused a rise in blood alcohol concentration above the physiological level of 0,2 per mille. Getting drunk, i. e. overstepping the blood alcohol concentration of 1.5 per mille, occurred in 13 per cent of incidents of drinking spirits, 7 per cent of drinking wine, and 5 per cent of drinking home-made fruit wine. If related to the total number of drinking occasion of the above beverages this  means that in Poland every day about 600 thousand persons would get drunk.             Persons getting drunk were significantly more numerous among men than women, and as far as men are concerned among young (up to 40 years of age), less educated, blue-collar workers describing themselves as non-believers or non-worshiping believers. Among women only those who felt to be better off than average would drink significantly more often than others.                         DRINKING OCCASION             One of the characteristic features of drinking alcohol in Poland is using the existing occasions or inventing them. Alcohol happens to be drunk in order to celebrate such events as family festivities (like name-days or birthdays), religious ceremonies (like baptism, confirmation or - in particular - wedding), national holidays, government ceremonies (like opening a factory, a museum'' new railway station or a bridge), other happy events (tike winning a match by a favourite soccer team, passing important examinati.ons by the son or daughter, their entrance to the high school or the university). Drinking occasion may be called for while looking for some comfort caused by losing a march by a favourite soccer team a set-back at work, or misfortune in personal matters. Alcohol is served and drunk in order to show hospitality, to emphasize the importance of a guest or an unusual, lofty, or particular character of the meeting, etc. This list could be easily extended, but it does not seen necessary as its aim is only to show that drinking alcoholic beverages - probably with the exception of beer only – is perceived as an event calling for special justification. This justification should not be equated with causes of drinking, deeply rooted and often not understood and realized clearly by the person in question. Therefore, the justification for drinking provides an insight not so much into the reasons of drinking as into its cultural context.             Using the information on the kind and amount of alcohol drunk, on the place of drinking, character of the occasion, and, in the 1985 survey, also on the duration of the drinking incidence, three main types of spirits and wine consumption occasions were distinguished: a family celebration, a friendly social meeting, and a drinking-for-purpose event.             The family celebration comprised nearly half of all drinking occasions described in the replies of the respondents. These occasions lasted longer than others, namely about 4 to 5 hours, with many persons taking part, the amount of alcohol drunk was smaller by half than the average amount and in more than 90 per cent of cases they took place in private quarters.             The friends-meeting social type of drinking occasions were less numerous, they comprised about one-third of the total number of the last occasions reported. Half of them occurred in friends appartments, one-fourth on the respondents flats, and one in seven in a bar or restaurant. The meeting lasted about 2-3 hours, and the amount of spirits or wine drunk was somewhat larger than the average. Most often 4 to 5 persons took part in these encounters.             One in five of the last occasions described by the respondents was of the drinking-for-purpose type. The most often stated justification for such a drinking occasion was that ,,it just happened this way" or ,,without any special reason, and the second in the row was that the drinking tock place in order to handle some business which made it necessary to have a drink’’.  These occasions lasted usually l-2 hours and the company consisted of about 3-4 persons. Most often the meeting took place in a bar or a restaurant at work; relatively rarely in private appartments, and  occasionally in a park or another commonly frequented place. Persons drinking on these type of occasions consumed twice as much alcohol as the average. The types and characteristics of drinking occasions did not change between 1980 and 1985; only few exceptions were noted, such as those with more alcohol drunk in private apartments and less in bars and restaurants. The same types of drinking occasions were fund in respect of consumption of spirits and wine, only home-made fruit wine did not seem to be drunk ,,for purpose’’             DRINKING AT WORK             One of the special features of drinking practices in Poland is the consumption of alcohol at work. It takes place against the provisions of the labour law and in some circumstances also against criminal law. Every few years the authorities launch a campaign against drinking at work only to learn that it brings about temporary results. In order to understand the reasons for limited effects of such endeavours a closer look at a socialist enterprise is necessary' fn a state-controlled economy, a socialist enterprise is not. only a place where employees provide work in order to produce some  commodities or services. One of the Polish leading sociologists described such an enterprise as a combination of an industrial plant, an office, and  charity. Its  peculiar social life stems from all the above factors, and it is only against this background that an appraisal of the data on drinking at work can be made.             The 1980 survey revealed that two of every three respondents employed in the state-owned enterprises and offices had in the course of the last year prior to the interview drunk alcohol while at work. The results of the 1985 survey were markedly different since the affirmative answers to the question of drinking at work was given by one in every two such respondents. On the assumption of the last occasion approach an attempt was made at amount of drinking events at work. The numbers of such events in1980 and 1985 were 14.6 and 7.3 per one employee respectively. It seems to be a marked decrease, but is has to be seen whether it will be a lasting one.             Drinking at work seems to be very common also in another respect. When looping at the characteristics of the consumer of alcohol at work they correspond closely to the characteristics of all drinking persons.             The justification for drinking at work is very similar to that described above, only the family celebration and friends-meeting social types seen to merge into one. In 1980 nearly half, and in 1985 one-third  the persons who drank at work did it while celebrating name-days or birthdays. One in five of those who drank at work did it ,,with no special reason" or because alcohol was offered by somebody, which corresponds to the drinking-for-purpose type.                         ALCOHOL DEPENDENCE             Alcohol dependence is a very complex concept and it is debatable whether tackling it in a survey research can produce conclusive results. In the 1985 survey it was approached by means of one of the questionnaires used by medical practitioners. After reviewing several of such questionnaires, like MAST, SMAST, CAGE, MALT, Reich, the CAGE questionnaire was selected as the most suitable, among other things, because of its brevity. A common feature of all the above instruments is that they are in fact screening tests, and their aim is to spot out in a pool of patients those who might have an alcohol problem. These patients are referred afterwards to a qualified specialist for a proper examination and diagnosis.             The use of such a questionnaire in a survey conducted in a general population is an extention of its application far beyond the limits of its original design, because in such a situation it is expected to provide a final ,,diagnosis" instead of pointing to persons suspected of being addicted to alcohol. In the circumstances both the sensitivity and specificity of the questionnaire become of utmost importance.             The low specificity of the CAGE questionnaire makes it impossible to estimate- within the known limits of errors - the size of the group of alcohol dependent persons in the general population because a number of persons likely to be classified on its basis as being alcohol dependent in fact are not dependent. The size of the latter (i. e. those incorrectly classified as alcohol dependent) is partly a function of the size of the group of the alcohol dependent in the general population.             The percentage of respondents who in the 1985 survey said ,,yes" to al1 the four questions of the CAGE questionnaire was 4.4, to three questions - 11.8, to two questions - I2.1, and to one question - 15.1. The results of the previous applications of the CAGE test show that four ,,yes" answers to the questionnaire questions were given only by alcohol dependent persons, and no such answers were given by persons not dependent. Hence it can be assumed that in the cases of all four ,,yes" answers one deals with alcohol dependent persons, without fear of making a serious error. As to the persons who gave three ,,yes" answers) one can assume among them a higher cumulation of alcohol dependent persons, and as regards those who said ,ryes" to two questions it can be hypothesised that there are few such persons among them.             On the basis of the results obtained, the probable number of persons in 1985 in Poland in the age group of 16 years and over, who were alcohol dependent, has been estimated as somewhat higher than number of persons who said  ,,yes’’ to all the four questions in the CAGE questionnaire, i. e. approximately 1,500 000, the error limits of this estimate, unfortunately, cannot be specified. The persons who gave a higher number of ,,yes’’ answers to the test questions drank largel quantities of alcohol. More answers of this kond were given by men, middle-aged persons and elderly (but not old), living in villages, not well-off, non-worshipping believers and non-believers.                         THE ABSTAINERS AND TEETOTALLERS             Abstainers are referred to here as those who do not drink a particular alcoholic beverage, and teetotalers as those who according to themselves  do not drink alcohol at all (1980 survey) or who did not consume alcohol during the last twelve months prior to the interview.             Only 25 per cent of the respondents abstained from drinking spirits, about 25 per cent-from wine, 58 per cent (in 1980)and 50 per cent (in 1985)-from beer, 70 per cent (in 1980)  and 64 per cent (in1985)-from home-made fruit wine, and 89 per cent (in 1980) and 79 per cent (in 1985)-from moonshine spirits.             The were 14.8 per cent teetotalers in 1980 and 16.1 per cent in 1985, however, the difference in those percentages is statistically insignificant. In general population the fraction of teetotalers is probably a few points higher because in both the 1980 and 1985 samples the persons aged 16-19 and 60 and more, namely those among whom the non-drinkers are most numerous, were underrepresented.             Less than half of the teetotalers never drank alcohol and the share of those who stopped drinking increased between the years 1980 and 1985. This result would have looked promising were it not for the reasons for not drinking given by the respondents. Most often old age, poor health, lack of money, and similar justification were offered, and only one in seven non-drinking alcohol respondent mentioned that drinking alcohol would interfere with his studies or work, or against his beliefs or cherished values.             Also the social characteristics of teetotalers give reason for worry: among these overrepresented are very young and elderly, women, poorly educated, blue-collar workers, poor-in general those who belong to the lower social strata of the population.             To be a teetotaler in Poland is unenviable.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1989, XVI; 7-100
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Narkomania jako zjawisko społeczne- historia problemu w Polsce
Drug addiction as a social phenomenon. the history of the problem in Poland
Autorzy:
Bielewicz, Antoni
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699292.pdf
Data publikacji:
1988
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
narkomania
problem
Polska
historia
narkotyki
zjawisko
zachowanie
pacjenci
szpital psychiatryczny
handel
uzależnienie
morfina
kokaina
drug addiction
Polska
history
drugs
phenomenon
behaviour
morphine
cocaine
patients
psychiatric hospital
trade
addiction
Opis:
The phenomenon of drug addiction has been known in Poland for at least several dozen years. In the period of the second Republic, it was not a major social problem. In 1933, the total of 295 addicts were hospitalized in Poland. According to pre-war researchers, the number of drug addicts could be estimated at over 5 thousand persons in the early 1930s. The pre-war addicts took first of all classic drugs: morphine, heroin, and cocaine. Also codeine, Somniphrene and Pantopon were rather frequently taken. Less frequent was the use of hashish, mescaline and peyotl. Headache wafers played the part of substitutes.             According to the data of the health service and the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, about three – fourth of drug addicts were men. Most addicts were in their thirties; hardly any could be found among the youth, as far as morphinism is concerned in particular. This type of addiction could be found nearly exclusively among persons aged over 30. The situation shaped ,somewhat differently as regards codeine addicts: also younger persons. could be found in this group. In the socio professional structure of addicts included in the files of the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, clerks prevailed; their percentage amounting to 30. The second most numerous group were craftsmen and tradesmen-,13 per cent, and the third on -representatives of medical professions (chemists, doctors, surgeon, assistants, nurses, midwifes) of whom there were 9 per cent. The percentage of workers was 2, of prostitutes-5, and artists-4. In the opinion of the most of the pre-war researchers, the above socio-professional structure is distorted. According to them, drug-addiction was much more widespread among officers (of the air force and navy in particular), artists, writers and journalists. As regards religion, pre-war addicts constituted as varied a mosaic as the entire society in those days. There were among them representatives of all of the most numerous religious groups then found in Poland. Roman Catholics were most, and members of the orthodox church-least :susceptible to drug addiction. The pre-war researchers of drug addiction devoted a lot of attention to the problem of etiology of this ,,social disease'' Some of them stressed above all the medical-others-the economic and political, and still others - the cultural or those related to civilization causes. There were also conceptions that laid particular emphasis on physiology and biochemistry of the human body.              The evolution of drug addiction in the post-war forty years may be divided into four stages.             The first of them lasted till about mid-1960s. The extent of the phenomenon was then limited, with the average of about 400 persons treated in out-patient clinics, and about 150 -in psychiatric hospitals. Also the police statistics point to small sizes of this phenomenon. In 1967, as few as 9 offences directly related to drug addiction were recorded in Poland. Drug addicts of those days descended from rather specific circles. They were mostly representatives of medical professions, that is persons with a relatively easy access to drugs. Over 90 per cent of all morphine addicts were employees of the health service. Drugs taken most frequently were the classical ones;(morphine, cocaine), tranquilizers (Glimid, Tardyl) and stimulants (amphetamines). In thest period, one could hardly speak of drug addiction as a subcultural phenomenon. It was mainly a medical problem. The majority of the drug taking persons were those already dependent. The addicts of those days formed no close groups sharing a given ideology, specific symbols or language. The taking of narcotic drugs was not a social but an individual behaviour in most cases.             The second stage are the late 1960s and the early 1970s. In that period, a rapid growth in the extent of drug addiction can be noticed. In the years 1969-1973, the number of patients treated because of drug addiction in out-patient psychiatric clinics was quintupled, and in psychiatric hospitals, tripled. In 1972, there were about 3,150 patients treated in psychiatric clinics, and about 600 in psychiatric hospitals.             Also the number of offences directly related to drug addiction grew rapidly. While in 1967 there was not a single instance of unauthorized giving of narcotic drug (art. 161 of the Penal Code) or of forging prescriptions (art. 265 § 1 of the Penal Code), 105 and 417 such acts respectively were recorded five years later. In 1971, over 3,000 persons "taking narcotic drugs" were registered in the police files. As found in a sociological study carried out in 1972 among students of all grammar, vocational and elementary vocational schools in Gdańsk, Sopot and Gdynia, 8.3 per cent of the respondents had contacts with narcotic drugs. In the case of about 45 per cent of this group, these contacts were occasional. According to the authors of the study, this percentage is the "minimum frequency of occurence" of drug taking "in the population of school youth in Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot.'' In this early 1970s, the number of persons in danger of becoming addicts (i.e. those who took drugs regularly) and those already dependent was estimated at about 30 thousand.             In the discussed period, also the character of addiction underwent changes: it became a subcultural phenomenon. The base on which it developed were the youth contestation movements which emerged in Poland as well. Addiction was given a cultural dimension by the ideology of the hippie movement. Taking drugs ceased to be an individual behaviour and became a social one which expressed certain attitudes and symbolized the affiliation to a given subculture. The young who took drugs formed smaller or bigger groups with strong internal bonds and a great sense of solidarity. They used specific symbols (way of dressing, recognition signals, rich repertoire of gestures, aliases, etc.) and quite a rich language (characteristic names of drugs and activities related to their taking). The very taking of drugs was acompanied by more or less developed rituals (narcotic coctails, seances, etc.).             In that period - and later on as well -the phenomenon of drug addiction was concentrated among the youth and in highly urbanized and industrialized regions. In 1972, nearly 75 per cent of persons hospitalized for the first time were those aged under 25, and over 60 per cent-under 29. In 1970, over 90 per cent of addicts treated in hospitals lived in towns. The limited drug marked. caused the youth to resort to substitutes on the unpracedented scale. In those years, general use of such substances as trichloroethylene, Ixi (washing powder), Butaprene (glus), ether, benzene, solvents and others started. Yet the major typ of addiction still remaind that to opium and its derivates, particularly in men, and to sleeping-draught and tranquilizers in women.             The third stage in the evolution of drug addiction are the years 1973-1976. In that period, a nearly 27 per cent decrease in the total of patients of psychiatric clinics, and a 40 per cent one in the case of those treated for the first time could be noticed. The morbidity index went down from 3.5 to 2.0. A similar trend, though less dynamic one, concerned also hospital service. In an attempt at explaining this phenomenon, three factors should be mentioned. Firstly, the early 1970s are the period when youth movements started to die out. Also a relative social peace reigned in those years, which caused drug addiction lose its socio-cultural base. Secondly, the medical authorities introduced a number of limitations in the accessibility of drugs in that period. Thirdly, repressive action of the police also influenced this tendency to a high degree. The prosecution agencies not only increased their efficiency greatly, but also acquired a much better knowledge of the addicts circles. These actions however proved insufficient to fully control addiction.             The fourth stage in the evolution of addiction started in the late 1970s. In the years 1977-1984, the number of patients treated in out-patient clinics increased twice over, and that of hospitalized persons - five times over. The indicates of dissemination and morbidity grew rapidly. Beginning from mid-1970s, the number of persons registered in the police files grew nearly two and a half times over. Also the number of deaths due to over dosage went up from year to year. In 1978, 18 such cases were recorded, with the number amounting to as many as 117 in 1986. The number of offences directly related to drug addiction went up from 1,093 in 1978 to 3,014 in 1983. The number of persons taking narcotic drugs was estimated at about 500-800 thousand in 1983; that of persons in danger of becoming addicts - at 99-95 thousand, and of actual addicts - about 40 thousand. Such is the minimum spread of the discussed phenomenon.             The unprecedented dissemination of drug addiction may be attributed to the emergence of two factors of which one is technological, and the other one psycho-social. In mid-1970s, the technology of production of a strong drug from poppy was worked out in Poland, which resulted in a great amount of strong narcotics appearing on the market. on the other hand, crisis started to accumulate in Poland in mid-1970s, which resulted in a growing frustration among the youth. The concurrence of these two factors brought about the explosion of drug addiction.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1988, XV; 251-286
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kryminogenność alkoholizmu
The Role of Alcoholism in Generating Crime
Autorzy:
Mazur, Andrzej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698508.pdf
Data publikacji:
1991
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
kryminogenność
alkoholizm
badania katamnestyczne
mężczyźni
leczenie uzależnień
generating crime
alcoholism
catamnestic research
men
addiction treatment
Opis:
The sample consisted of 718 men diagnosed as alcoholics and subjected to disaccustoming treatment at a mental hospital in Łódź in the years 1971-1975. They constituted over 98 per cent of hospital patients in that period, and over 87 per cent of them were sent to hospital treatment by the court. During the treatment on the disaccustoming ward, which lasted about three months on the average, extensive biographical material about each of the patients was gathered. In 1985, a follow-up examination was carried out with the aim to estimate the effects of treatment. All of the men were found to have relapsed into alcoholism at different times, mostly during several weeks after discharge. The examined sample included 429 men (59.7 per cent) with criminal records; in the case of 396 of them (92.3 per cent), their first conviction was preceded by the average of eight years of excessive drinking (from one to twenty-six years). Thus the men in the sample infringed the law at a much older age as compared with the total male population in Poland in the discussed period. The material presented in this paper concerns the role of alcoholism as an individual person’s illness rather than the role of alcohol as a crimegenerating factor. As shown by an analysis of a number of comparative data, biographies of the sample from before the emergence of the alcohol problem reflected the phenomena and processes taking place in the country. This concerns in particular migration to towns, advancement of the succeeding generations, the level of professional qualifications at the peak of economic activity, and the level of education. Also as regards behaviour, the men in the sample probably had not differed, before being subjected to disaccustoming treatment, from typical male representatives of excessively drinking circles, and particularly from alcoholics. The study included a comparison of the sample’s criminal records with the records of men in Poland in the years 1954-1985: the proportion of persons with criminal records among alcoholics proved nearly twice higher. Still more drastic differences were revealed by means of comparison of the incidence of the separate penalties and the numbers of convictions: penalties not involving deprivation of liberty were imposed over twice less frequently upon alcoholics, who instead were conicvted to over two years of imprisonment 4.5 time more often. Finally, the proportion of alcoholics convicted only once was twice lower, and of those convicted at least six times – 3.3 times higher than in the total population of convicted persons. This accumulation of multiplicities made it possible to estimate the threat of alcoholics’criminal acts at five to six times the index for the total male population. Further comparisons, this time concerning the types of offences committed, led to distinguishment of two such types which are typical of alcoholics: namely, offences against family, guardianship, and young persons, and those against private property. The number of convictions of alcoholics for offences against family was three times larger, and for those against private property – 1.3 larger; instead, convictions for offences against life and health, honour and bodily inviolobility, and public property were as frequent among alcoholics as in the total male population, and the number of alcoholics convicted for all of the remaining types of offences was 2.5 times smaller. An attempt was also made to identify the dominant crimegenerating factors in life histories of the men in the sample which provided a rich documentary evidence. Seven such factors were distinguished. Next, a matrix was constructed of their coincidence in pairs, and five factors were determined which are most strongly related to crime. The were: 1) excessive drinking under 19; 2) lack of permanent employment for at least 40 per cent of the time since leaving school; 3) an interval of at least one year from ending or leaving school till the first job; 4) lack of professional qualifications both of the examined man and of his father. Obviously, the latter factor results from chance and escapes any preventive activities. The remaining three, instead, concern the sphere of behaviour which may be subjected to appropriate preventive treatment, chiefly in the case of young persons threatened with alkoholism who  still have no criminal record and maintained by their famikies despite  having finished or left school, Since a long time, category of young persons living in a specific subculture has been pointed to as a crimegenerating group. Those, instead, who regularly evade permanent work and confine themselves to odd jobs, unlicensed trade, or simply sponge on  their families, require an entirely different preventive treatment.  
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1991, XVII; 287-338
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Koncepcje przeciwdziałania alkoholizmowi i narkomanii w Polsce okresu międzywojennego
Ideas on counteracting alcohol and drug addiction in Poland between the two world wars
Autorzy:
Nelken, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699251.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
alkoholizm
narkomania
kokainizm
trzeźwość
alkohologia
przeciwdziałanie
alcohol
ustawodastwo
leczenie
alcoholism
drug addiction
cocainism
sobriety
alcohology
counteraction
legislation
treatment
Opis:
The birth of the independent Poland in 1918 activated a social movement against alcoholism and drug addiction. In 1919, the Polish Society for Fighting Alcoholism ,,Trzeźwość'' ("Sobriety'') was established which operated nationwide and which in the period between the two wars became the main factor of fighting alcoholism. In the light of the Statute of "Trzeźwość" and resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses, as well as the postulates of psychiatrists, the ideas of how to fight alcoholism included three spheres: a. anti-alcoholic legislation and its practical enforcement; b. anti-alcoholic propaganda and education; c. treatment of alcoholics.             In 1919, a draft was submitted to the Diet that proposed a total prohibition of production and sale of alcoholic beverages. It was referred to a Diet commission which subsequently changed its contents. Then. The Diet passed an Act of 23 April 1920 on restrictions in sale of alcoholic beverages. The Act, based on a concept of partial prohibition. Introduced considerable restrictions in sale of beverages containing over 2.5 per cent of pure alcohol, and a total prohibition of sale of beverages with over 45 per cent alcohol. Moreover, the sale of alcohol was prohibited to workers on paydays and holidays, as well as at markets, fairs, church fairs, pilgrimages, on trains and at railway stations. According to the Act, each rural or urban commune could introduce on its territory a total prohibition of sale of alcoholic beverages by voting. The Act limited the number of places where alcohol could be sold or served to one per 2,500 of the population all over the country. A licence issued by administrative authorities was required to sell or serve alcohol. The statutory instrument to this Act created commissions for fighting alcoholism of the 1st and 2nd instances which were to supervise the compliance to the Act of 1920 and to impose penalties provided for the infringement of its provisions. The commissions consisted of representatives of the State administration and social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. Moreover, the Act of 2l January 1922 introduced a penalty of fine or arrest for being drunk in public. A person who brought another person to the state of intoxication was also liable to these penalties.             The complete execution of the anti-alcoholic Act met with obstacles: for instance, alcohol was secretly served on the days of prohibition (e.g. during fairs). The Act of 31 July 1924 established the Polish Spirit Monopoly (P.M.S.). The production of spirit and pure vodka thus became a State monopoly' Production and sale of the P.M.S. beverages increased gradually as it constituted an important source of the State revenue. For this reason. a new anti-alcoholic Act of 21 March 1931 was passed which greatly reduced the restrictions in the sale of alcohol as compared with former regulations. A further reduction in these restrictions resulted from Acts of 1932 and 1934. The P.M.S. Board of Directors argued that a growth in production was necessary to suppress illegal distilling of alcohol the products of which were imperfectly rectified and threatened the health of the population. Instead according to the conception of "Trzeźwość’’ and other social organizations engaged in fighting alcoholism. illegal distilling of alcohol should be detected and suppresed by the police while it was in the interest of the health and morals of the population to curtail greatly the sale of alcohol and for this reason it was necessary to reintroduce the anti-alcoholic Act of 1920 However, in consideration of the State's fiscal interests. the Act was not reintroduced and the other Acts that extended the production and sale of the P.M.S. products were only replaced after World War II.             According to the ideas of ,,Trzeźwość'' and other organizations fighting alcoholism, anti-alcoholic propaganda and education should be made by professionals and have a wide range, since it is impossible to fight alcoholism without informing the population of the harmful effects of alcohol. Guidelines for this activity were worked out at the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses of which there were seven in the period between the wars.             Besides, in 1937 the 21st International Anti-Alcoholic Congress took place in Warsaw during which the Polish draft of an international anti-alcoholic convention was Supported. The draft provided a considerable limitation of alcohol sale, a regulation of penal liability for offences and transgressions committed in the state of intoxication, and lectures on alcohology in schools. The states signatories to the convention would be called upon to pass acts consistent with the content of the convention. The work on this draft was stopped by the outbreak of the war.             The resolutions of the Polish anti-alcoholic congresses demanded lectures on alcohology in all types of schools, at teachers courses and at specialist courses for employees of various departments, the Ministry in of Communication particular. The range of alcohology taught at schools should be conformed to the type of school and the general knowledge or students. The postulate of teaching alcohology in schools was partly realized and courses were organized for railway employees by the Abstainer Railwaymen League. At the State School of  Hygiene in Warsaw a several days course in alcohology was organized every year in which 200--300 persons participated, mainly teachers, physicians and clergymen of various denominations. Besides, ,,Trzeźwość'' organized travelling exhibitions that made tours of towns to show the harmful effects of alcoholism. The Abstainer Railwaymen League organized, an exhibition in a railway carriage which was visited by many thousands of persons at railway stations in different parts of the country. A lecturer on alcohology was employed to have talks during the exhibition. In early February every year a nationwide Sobriety Propagation Week was organized. Various publications were also brought out which demonstrated the harmful effects of alcohol and the ways of fighting alcoholism, both scientific and those for general use. Treatment  of alcoholics was postulated; it was carried out in closed hospital wards or in out-patient clinics. The former was more effective; however it was less frequently applied as compared with the out-patient treatment since there were no provisions which would  legalize compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts and it was easier to obtain the patient's consent to treatment in a clinic than in a hospital. Compulsory treatment was only possible if the court applied medical security measures in cases of offences connected with abuse of alcohol or drugs. (Art. 82 of the Penal code of 1932). The mental hygiene, movement, initiated in Poland in the early thirties, resulted in a growth in the number of clinics engaged in prevention and treatment, that is in a development of treatment of alcoholics in specialized anti-alcoholic clinics. The necessity of taking the children of alcoholics under educational and medical indicated. An important part is this field fell to social nurses attached to the clinics whose task was among other things to bring the alcoholics children to the clinic and see to their medical treatment if necessary. The organization of special schools for mentally deficient and morally neglected children, whose parents were frequently alcoholics, was also initiated.             Psychiatrists demanded an elaboration and introduction of an act on compulsory treatment of alcoholics and drug addicts, organization of special wards for notorious alcoholics in mental hospitals, prolongation of treatment from 6 to 12 months (which was considered particularly necessary in the case of chronic alcoholism), a joint alcoholism and psychiatric treatment if required, in the case of alcohol psychosis in particular, and check-up of the cured alcoholics and drug addicts.             In Poland drug addiction has never reached the proportions of alcoholism. Its most frequent forms were morphinism and cocainism. Its fighting was facilitated by the passing of an Act of June 23, 1923 which prohibited production, processing, export. import. storage of and any trade in all drugs. For infringement of the Act, penalties of fine and up to 5 years deprivation of liberty were provided. However, there was no act to legalize compulsory treatment of drug addicts. They could only be treated in closed hospital wards since in the case of drug addiction, out-patient treatment was considered to be ineffective. In 1931, the Polish Committee for Drugs and Prevention of Drug Addiction was set up as, an advisory body attached to the Minister of Health and Social Welfare, which consisted mainly of physicians and chemists. In order to fight drug addiction effectively, increased detection of export and sale of drugs was postulated as well as supervision of prescriptions and of obtaining drugs on prescription at chemist's. Chemists were compelled to keep a special book of in- and out-goings of drugs which could only be sold on prescription for therapeutical purposes. Attenton was drawn to the necessity of an instruction, to be passed by the Minister of Internal Affairs, according to which the production of doctors seals and forms would only be possible on presentation of the identity card, since drug addicts used to order seals and forms bearing names of famous practitioners. Medical check-up of released prisoners who had been cured of drug addiction when serving their sentences was also postulated.             In consequence of the spread of ether drinking in the Upper Silesia in 1936, a wide-range operation was carried out which consisted in a vigorous fight against smuggling and sale of ether (which was mainly smuggled from Germany) and in informing the population as to the harmful effects of ether drinking.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 201-225
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Praca mężczyzn nadużywających alkoholu (przyczynek do dyskusji nad ustawą o postępowaniu wobec osób uchylających się od pracy)
The excessively drinking men and their work (contribution to discussion on the act of dealing with persons evading work)
Autorzy:
Ostrihanska, Zofia
Rzeplińska, Irena
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699259.pdf
Data publikacji:
1987
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
mężczyzna
nadużywanie
alkohol
praca
odwyk
uzależnienie
wykształcenie
izba wytrzeźwień
zatrzymanie
problem
zatrudnienie
leczenie
man
abuse
alcohol
work
rehab
addiction
education
sobering-up center
detention
employment
treatment
Opis:
The article presents the findings of a study on the problems of alcoholism related to the Act of 26 October 1982 on dealing with persons evading work. The Act defines the phenomenon of the so-called social parasitism as evading socially useful work and having sources of maintenance contradictory to the law or principles of social coexistence. Men aged 18-45 who have not been employed for at least 3 months, who do not attend any school and are not registered in an employment agency as looking for a job, are obliged to report at the local State administrative agency and to explain the reasons of their unemployment or failure to learn. A nonfulfillment of this duty is a transgression for which a penalty of limitation of liberty of up to 3 months or a fine of up to 50,000 zlotys is provided. There are certain categories of persons who are not liable to this duty: among others, these are the retired or disabled persons, those who receive allowances from the social security fund etc. The reported men are entered in a record of persons evading work. In the case of their further persistent evasion of work, they are liable to further proceedings and various sanctions. They may also be recognized as unemployed for socially grounded reasons. Towards such persons, the Act provides no further special duties, and the administrative agency is obligated to come to their assistance if necessary.             In the present paper, the important problem of whether the legal regulation of the problems connected with the so-called social parasitism is justified, has not been discussed. We have focused on the relation between unemployment and excessive drinking and on the problems and disturbances in employment among excessively drinking men.             The study was aimed at answering the following questions: What is the number of persons with alcohol problems, repeatedly detained in the sobering-up station, among the men registered in District Offices in Warsaw as "evading work"? What is the number of unemployed persons aged 18-45 among those repeatedly detained in the sobering-up station? What is the relation between employment and work on the one hand, and excessive drinking and the entire life situation on the other hand among the above-mentioned men?             The following three groups of men have been included in the study: A. In order to obtain the answer to the first question. records of 2,195 men were examined who had been registered in the seven District Offices in Warsaw within the period from January 1. 1983 till April 30. 1984 as evading work, and their detentions in the sobering-up station were checked. B. The second group of the examined persons consisted of all men aged 18-45 who had been detained in the sobering-up station for at least, the second time on randomly selected days in October and November of 1984 and in January of 1985 (576 persons). Information concerning their employment was obtained from the .records of the sobering-up station based either on their own statements or on entries in their identity cards. C. The third group consisted of 56 patients of the sobering-up station aged 18-45 who had repeatedly been detained; they were examined individually in the period from October 1984 till January 1985.             The examination consisted in a free interview based on a specially constructed questionnaire. The aim of the interview was to obtain information concerning the course of employment and the drinking habits of the examined persons. their possible symptoms of dependence and withdrawal treatments they underwent, family situation and state of health.             From among 2,195 men registered as evading work. one-third had been detained in the sobering-up station at least once. As many as two-thirds of them had been detained repeatedly. A part of the registered men (6.9 per cent) were included at a later date in the list of persons who persistently evade work. Persons detained in the sobering-up station constitute 37 per, cent of those included in the record.             Employment of patients of the sobering-up station was examined in the second of the above-mentioned groups: the 576 men aged 18-45 repeatedly detained in the Warsaw sobering-up station.             Among those patients men aged at least 30 predominated (76.9 per cent). Those detained at least four times were the most numerous (45.5 per cent); there were 20.6 and 33.9 per cent of those detained three and two times respectively. According to expectations, older patients had been detained in the station more frequently than the younger ones.             At the moment of detention in the station, the majority of the repeatedly detained persons (60.6 per cent) were employed at State enterprises; 10 per cent worked for private employers, and 1.4 per cent in their own workshops or farms. 5 per cent were pensioners, 8:3 per cent worked casually, and 14.6 per cent were not employed at all. Therefore, the category of persons who did not work or who worked only casually constituted 22.9 per cent of the examined group, which seems rather a high percentage. It grows still if the category of pensioners is added. amounting then to 27.9 per cent of men aged 18-45 repeatedly detained in the station and to as many as 34.7 per cent of those detained over three times.             56 persons were examined individually. They were somewhat older than the above-mentioned group of 576 patients of the sobering-up station and had been detained there for a smaller number of times.             The essential problem in our study was their drinking of alcohol. 36 per cent of the examined persons stated they had started drinking at the age of 16 at most, while in the case of 33.3 per cent the respective self-reported age was 17-18. As many as two-thirds admitted usually dinking half a litre or more vodka on one occasion. 34.8 per cent admitted drinking daily. It was most difficult to find out whether the examined persons were already alcohol dependent. There were question included in the questionnaire and asked during the interview, that served this purpose. Some of the examined persons were afraid even to admit they drank excessively which was due to the type of work they performed in which abuse of alcohol is not tolerated (first of all in the driver’s profession). Symptoms indicative of dependence were found in 24 of the examined persons (42.9 per cent). A part of them had already started withdrawal treatment in the past, yet they frequently gave it up after as few as several visits. The detention in the station and talks conducted with the patient on release were noticed to be an opportunity for initiating a change in his attitude towards treatment. It seems that the sobering-up station may and should be an important link in the alcohol dependence  treatment system.             Basing on the appraisal of the entire course of employment, the examined group could be divided into two categories: A. those in the case of whom undisturbed performance of work and its regularity was found according to the information obtained (22 persons); B. those who  had been unemployed for long periods of time, worked irregularly, at intervals, and failed to perform work properly (31 persons).             In the category A, two subgroups were distinguished: a. men who usually did not drink excessively or who abused alcohol but to a slight degree, who worked regularly and were relatively well socially adjusted. Their repeated detentions in the sobering-up station seemed to result from various chance situations and from their poor tolerance  of alcohol; b. men who regularly abused alcohol or who could have been dependent on it, in whom however this situation did not influence their performance of work.             In the category B, it was not possible to distinguish any subgroups. In individual cases, joint occurrence of some of the following overlapping problems was found: a. poor performance of work related to excessive  drinking, yet without the symptoms of professional degradation; b. professional degradation connected with alcohol dependence; c. poor performance of work and excessive drinking connected with and resulting from an early social maladjustment; d. unemployment accompanied by a declared reluctance to work in the future which was connected rather with the examined person’s personality traits than with his excessive drinking; e. unemployment due to disability resulting from an accident or illness which made it impossible to perform the former job. Such a situation could have been brought about by excessive drinking, and the present unemployment is a factor that increases these persons alcohol dependence.             Among 2,195 men registered in the Warsaw District offices as evading work, there were 708 patients of the sobering-up station of whom two-thirds had been detained repeatedly. As shown by an analysis of their statements made at the District offices, the reasons of their unemployment varied greatly.             An observation seems justified that the majority of them do work, though irregularly. Among then, 115 were recognized to be unemployed for justified reasons; a very small part of them (20 per cent) asked for assistance of the administrative agency in finding a job through the Employment Department.             The group of 708 patients of the sobering-up station consists of men who may at least be assumed to drink excessively However, the officials who keep the records were poorly informed as to this problem. Further, despite registration and activities of the department for unemployed persons to compel these persons to work' as many as two-thirds of men in this group failed to take a job.             Any action undertaken towards this specific group of men (who were repeatedly detained in the sobering-up stations and were excessive drinkers), proved entirely ineffective, both at the stage of compelling them to work regularly and at that of having them perform public works.             From among 708 men – 26.1 per cent were directed to public works; about three-fourths of them never even reported at work.             The intervention undertaken by means of the Act of dealing with persons evading work seems futile. Some of these persons may perhaps need referring to an alcohol dependence treatment unit, some others - counselling as to the choice and finding of an adequate job; still another part will probably constitute a regular group that is characteristic of any society: u group of persons who constitute a social fringe and live in a way that departs from the norms of conduct accepted in the society.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 115-150
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rozwój uzależnienia a zmiany społecznych zachowań młodocianych toksykomanów
The Progress of Dependence and Changes in the Social Behavior of Young Adult Drug Addicts
Autorzy:
Zakrzewski, Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699054.pdf
Data publikacji:
1982
Wydawca:
Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
Tematy:
uzależnienie
toksykomania młodzieżowa
środki narkotyczne
zależność społeczna
zależność psychiczna
młodociani
zależność fizyczna
zmiany osobowości
addiction
youth toxicomania
narcotic drugs
social dependence
psychological dependence
juvenile
physical dependence
personality changes
Opis:
In the present study the changes in behavior of young adult drug addicts are described, which occurred as their dependence has developed since the beginning of taking drugs. We regard as scientifically fruitless frequent general statements concerning young adult (as well as adult) drug addicts irrespective of their age and the stage of dependence. The research on which the present study is based was a part of multidisciplinary studies of young adult drug addicts which were conducted by the Department of Mental Health of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Łódź in the years 1974-76. It concerned all patients aged 15-23 registered in the out-patient clinics for young drug addicts and in district out-patient clinics for adults in the city of Łódź because of the repeated taking of narcotic drugs. It is important to note that the discussed population consisted of 102 young adults, of which 23% were girls. Three detailed interviews were carried on in relation to each case: one with the mother of the given boy or girl (in exceptional cases with another adult member of the family), the second one at school with the tutor and the teachers, and the third one with the drug addict himself . The questionnaires on which the interviews were based took into account, to a high degree, the family conditions of the addicts, their behavior at home , from their earliest childhood up to the latest months, their school history, ways of spending their leisure time, the outset and circumstances of taking drugs, the use of alcohol, the peer groups, living problems in the period preceding the taking of drugs and in subsequent years, delinquency etc. Data were also collected concerning the criminal records of the addicts and the history of various diseases treated in different out-patient clinics. The study was conducted by a team of several persons working under supervision of the author of the present paper. Estimation of the degree of dependence was based on medical diagnosis. Among the addicts, the following three stages of dependence were distinguished: the stage of social dependence, that of mental dependence and the stage of physical dependence. The greatest part (50%) of the addicts were in the stage of mental dependence. The addicts were noticed to move to the more advanced stages of dependence in course of time. The mean duration of the period of taking drugs was: with young adults socially dependent 5 months, with those mentally dependent 1 year 5 months, and with those physically dependent 2 years 8 months. There are, however, limitations to this regularity. Some individuals withdrew from talking drugs within the first 12 months of social dependence. Others reached the stage of mental dependence very rapidly, so to say cutting down or even skipping the first stage of dependence. There were also those who remained for a long time in the preliminary stage of the illness, that is, that of mental dependence, revealing no symptoms of physical dependence even after one or two years. It is thus apparent that the progress of dependence and its rapidity are not the derivative of the length of the period of taking drugs only. An important role is also played by the intensity of taking drugs, by their peculiarities and by the individual immunity of the central nervous system of a given person. The notion of the so-called social dependence is controversial to a certain degree and as such used only by some of the authors. However, the results of the present study speak in its favor as the term defining the first, and so to say preliminary stage of dependence, preceding the next stages of dependence in the medical sense. In the present study the notion of social dependence is of a very broad range, i.e., its criteria are not limited to the pressure of the peer  group and the boy’s or girl’s eagerness to adjust themselves to this group. On the basis of the collected material, we included in the notion social dependence also the cases in which the addicts communicated with loose society circles, e.g. in cafés, which was accompanied by the predominant trend to adjust themselves to the fashion and customs of such circles, as well as the cases of an influence of individual persons of different sex attracted to each other. The notion of social dependence is worthy of separation, particularly, as the patterns of taking drugs have now become generally accepted among the youth. Taking certain drugs several times, or even once, caused a considerable improvement of mood of the individuals inclined to experience conflicts intensely, who had a low tolerance to frustration and a poor ability to overcome obstacles, if they only happened upon the drug which changed their mental stale favourably from their point of view. Phenmetrazine was good for some of the persons examined to suppress their mental inhibitions, while others used sedatives to suppress states of tension and excitement, still others - morphine and its derivatives to experience something new and to get away from the dullness of the everyday life. The process of social dependence turning into mental dependence among the addicts consisted in the fact that - as they were experimenting with various drugs in the company of others - they soon found that not only the interpersonal ties were hereby fortified, but also their hitherto only poorly tolerated mental state could undergo a favorable change. As this belief grew stronger and proved true in all next instances of taking the drug, they experienced the more and more intense desire to take such drugs whenever the state of tension, discouragement or irritation had reached a considerable degree of intensity. However, after some time the hitherto felt desires were dominated by additional and extremely trying sensations of not only mental but also physical nature which occurred in the periods of the break in drug taking. The addicts tried at any price to get rid of withdrawal symptoms. Most frequent were the complaints about the sensation of irritation, restlessness, inability to concentrate on anything, lack of energy, anxiety, insomnia or nightmares, headache and melalgia, hand tremor and other annoying and exhausting symptoms. The examined persons with these symptoms had already found themselves in the stage of physical dependence. In the diversity and variability of drugs taken by the addicts as their dependence developed, a following essential regularity could be noticed: the comparatively greatest diversity of drugs taken was usually found at the stage of social dependence. In that of mental dependence, morphine and the specimens approximal to it more and more prevailed among the drugs taken by a given individual, thus reducing the role of other drugs. The transition to physical dependence meant further concentration on the opiates (mainly morphine), while other drugs – including alcohol- became substitutes and were taken when the individual did not possess the favorite drug and thus felt  withdrawal symptoms. The danger of conversion to morphine and other opiates, with all its consequences, thus grew as the taking of drugs continued. It is a matter of course that, as the individual gradually needed drugs more and more difficult to obtain (that, is, those from the morphine group), which were sold at a higher price, and as he needed more and more of the drug and found it more and more difficult to do without - the ways of obtaining it had to change. A phenomenon occurs which can be called escalation not only of the drugs taken, but also of the means of obtaining them. The means in question become more and more ruthless, one counts less and less both with one’s own hitherto existing line of conduct and ambitions and with the probable reactions of the environment. The means of obtaining drugs grow also more and more absorbing, they engage more and more time and efforts. Simultaneously followed the process of diminution of individual interests and of the disappearance of ambitions in the addicts. It was more and more difficult for them to acquit themselves of the hitherto performed social roles. And thus, for instance, within the range of the role of a pupil, the following symptoms could be found among the addicts beginning from the stage of mental dependence: considerable difficulties of concentration, the slowing down of the run of thought, passiveness and drowsiness during the classes, increasing absence from school, being far away with thought even if physically present at school, regular remiss in doing homework, indifference to school failures, reluctance to undertake efforts to overcome them - that is, greater and greater slackness in the school duties. School, usually quitted in the advanced stages of dependence, gave place to irregular and chance periods of working, which did not in the least lead to any professional promotion of a given individual. All the hitherto existing forms of activity which satisfied their former interests and life plans were - as the dependence developed - replaced by the efforts to obtain every now and again new doses of the longed-for drug. Parallel to this process new specific elements appeared in the life of the addicts: contacts with out-patient clinics, stays in detoxication centres and mental hospitals, which repeated from time to time, and in a considerable number of the cases – court appearances ending more than once with imprisonment. In general, it must be stated that the progress of dependence has led to intense degradation changes in the lives of the addicts. The whole of those changes were composed of the following: increasing problems and failure at school, quitting school, aggravating conflicts at home, participation in youth groups and circles out of control which were characterized by socially negative patterns of behavior, giving up one’s professional ambitions, staying for months in hospitals, undergoing detoxication treatment, gradual limitation of one’s aims and interests to obtaining and taking drugs, court appearances every now and again.
Źródło:
Archiwum Kryminologii; 1982, VIII-IX; 363-388
0066-6890
2719-4280
Pojawia się w:
Archiwum Kryminologii
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-8 z 8

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