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Wyszukujesz frazę "policy of law" wg kryterium: Wszystkie pola

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    Tytuł:
    O wpływie ustawodawstwa karnego na politykę karną
    Impact of penal law on penal policy
    Autorzy:
    Krajewski, Krzysztof
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698822.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2019
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    polityka karna
    determinanty polityki karnej
    punitywność polityki karnej
    prawo zapisane
    prawo w działaniu
    penal policy
    determinants of penal policy
    punitiveness of penal policy
    law on the books
    law in action
    Opis:
    For many years, Polish penal policy has been considered to be very punitive. This is confirmed by the very high imprisonment rate which was observable even before World War Two. This raises the legitimate question of how to explain this consistent pattern. It is also appropriate to ask whether the reasons for this punitiveness can be found in punitive penal legislation, in the legal code, or in punitive sentencing practice, or at the level of the law in action. This article uses available statistical data to analyse selected trends in Polish penal policy, indicating that on many occasions attempts to diminish punitive sentencing outcomes through legislation produced absolutely opposite results. At the same time, there have been periods of real reduction in this punitiveness which occurred without any specific legislative changes made with such an intention. All of this suggests that the law on the books and the law in action may to a large extent be independent of each other.
    Polityka karna w Polsce od lat uchodzi za niezwykle punitywną, o czym świadczą wysokie wartości, jakie przyjmują współczynniki prizonizacji, poczynając od okresu przed II wojną światową. Rodzi to uzasadnione pytanie o przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy: czy leżą one po stronie punitywnego ustawodawstwa, tj. prawa zapisanego, czy też po stronie praktyki orzekania kar przez sądy, tj. prawa w działaniu. Artykuł poświęcony jest analizie w świetle dostępnych danych statystycznych wybranych zjawisk w polskiej polityce karnej, pokazujących, że w szeregu wypadków reformy zmierzające do obniżenia poziomu punitywności polskiej polityki karnej dawały rezultaty odwrotne od zamierzonych. Równocześnie wskazać można okresy jednoznacznego obniżenia tej punitywności, które nie były warunkowane jakimikolwiek zmianami ustawodawczymi. Pokazuje to względną niezależność płaszczyzn prawa zapisanego i prawa w działaniu.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2019, XLI/2; 41-80
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Prawo penitencjarne na tle innych gałęzi prawa i wybranych problemów polityki karnej i penitencjarnej
    Penitentiary law against the background of other branches of law and and selected problems of penal and penitentiary policies
    Autorzy:
    Wiktorska, Paulina
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698539.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2013
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    prawo penitencjarne
    polityka kryminalna
    polityka penitencjarna
    penitentiary law
    penal policy
    penitentiary policy
    Opis:
    The article consists of two parts. The first systematises definitions of penitentiary law and presents relations between penitentiary law and other branches of law and fields of science. The voices in discussion on penitentiary law sometimes differ, even in such basic issues as the scope of the very term. This sometimes gives rise to difficulties in qualifying particular provisions to a particular branch of law and causes doubts which rules to apply to particular institutions. Relations between penitentiary law and executive penal law, procedural law, penitentiary science and penal and penitentiary policies are discussed. The second part of the article discusses selected problems of current penal policy related most of all to the use of imprisonment sentence. Between penitentiary law and penitentiary policy or, more broadly speaking, penal policy there are obvious relations. On one hand, this policy is shaped on the basis of the letter of law, on the other hand, based on collected experience, it forces changes in law which fails to respond to actual challenges. Sometimes penitentiary policy, and even mere penitentiary practice, influences provisions of penal law, including penitentiary law, directly. It also happens that law and penitentiary policy (or penal one) fail to meet as far as their goals and assumptions are concerned. It seems it is so in the case of imprisonment, which often looks different in penitentiary law provisions and in statistics resulting from employment of penal and penitentiary policy. The basic paradox consists in that, in spite of observed decrease in crime levels , penitentiary system becomes more and more inefficient. Poland has one of the highest prisonisation indices in Europe and constantly growing number of persons sentenced by the courts and waiting for imprisonment sentence to be executed .The waiting line for imprisonment is approaching the number of the imprisoned. This may be due to a several reasons. Firstly, since the beginning of 1990s there has been a steady increase in the shortest imprisonment sentences (of up to 6 months) which were often administered to those guilty of driving a vehicle under alcohol influence. Secondly, Polish prisons are places where a significant number of imprisonments due to probation violations are served – which shows the weakness in execution of alternatives to incarceration. Another problem is cancellation of suspended sentences. The criminal code provided for two ways a suspended sentence can be cancelled, facultative and obligatory. The latter raised serious doubts and was questioned by the Constitutional Tribunal in its decree of 17.07.2013 r., file no. SK 9/10 (as published in the Journal of Laws as item 905).
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2013, XXXV; 377-390
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polityka karna sądów w sprawach o wykroczenia (w świetle danych statystycznych)
    Penal Policy of Courts in Offence Cases (In the Light of Statistical Data)
    Autorzy:
    Jakubowska-Hara, Jolanta
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698734.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2008
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    polityka karna
    dane statystyczne
    prawo wykroczeń
    środki penalne
    sądy
    penal policy
    statistical data
    delinquency
    courts of law
    offence cases
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2008, XXIX-XXX; 507-518
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Przestępczość i polityka karna sądów w Węgierskiej Republice Ludowej
    Crime and the penal policy of courts in the Hungarian peoples republic
    Autorzy:
    Kubiak, Jacek R.
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699255.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1987
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    polityka karna
    republika ludowa
    przestępczość
    ustawodawstwo
    prawo karne
    Węgry
    orzecznictwo
    gwałt
    sądownictwo
    pozbawienie wolności
    grzywna
    ludobójstwo
    people's republic
    criminality
    legislation
    criminal law
    Hungary
    certification
    rape
    judiciary
    deprivation of liberty
    fine
    genocide
    criminal policy
    criminal Policy
    Opis:
    There is in Hungary a many years tradition. of gathering and publishing criminal statistics and its theoretical analysis. This tradition dates back to the early 19th century. In the modern days, it was discontinued in the years 1944-1956 only. However, in 1957, the publication of the basic data of criminal statistics in Statistical Yearbooks published by the central statistical Office was started anew. As shown by an analysis of the trends of the number of convictions of adults in the years 1944-1984 based on official sources, there is a high substantial changes in these trends with changes in the provisions of the penal law and to some extent in the socio-political climate. The following can thus be noticed: A very big number of convictions in the late fourties and early fifties (with the culminating point in 1952), accompanied by rapid drops in the years when amnesty laws were passed or new provisions of the penal law were introduced. A great drop in the number of convictions in 1956 and, 1957 which was related directly first of all to the course of events before and after October 23, 1956, and to the fact that a part of the jurisdiction of common courts of law was taken over by special courts of law was taken over by special courts the activity of which is not reflected in the analysed statistical data. A relative stabilization of the number of convictions in the years of gradual socio-political consolidation ( 1958-1962). A gradual increase in the number of convictions after the entering into force of the Penal Code of 1961 and its amendment of 1971. Accompanied by intermittent drops in the amnesty years and in the years when provisions that modified the Penal Code entered into force. An increase in the number of convictions after the entering into force of the Penal Code of 1978. The rate of convictions per 100,000 of the population in 1984 was 2'5 times higher than in 1952, but not much lower than the 1961 rate. The rise in crime in the recent years is also evident in the available data from the police and public prosecutor's statistics. The number of reported offences went up by one-third in the period 1965-1985 and has a constant upward trend. Among the offences reported most numerous are offences against property (about 60 per cent of all reported offences), traffic offences (about 12-13 per cent), offences against public order (hooliganism and parasitism in particular), and offences against person (about 7-8 per cent).  As compared with 1965, the number of burglaries was 3.5 times as big in the eighties, and the number of robberies - 7 . times. The number of traffic offences increased by over one-third as well. Also offences against person reveal a small upward trend, with the number of homicides being stable. However, the number of homicides in Hungary has for many years been considerably larger than the mean European figure (mean homicide rate per 100,000 of the population amounting to 3.8 in the years 1979--1983). The rise in crime concerned financial offences also (offences against the foreign currency exchange regulations, against customs regulations, tax offences) which are included in ,the group of offences against the national economy. The penal policy of the Hungarian courts has rather frequently been subject to spectacular transformations. In the early seventies, stabilization was achieved in this policy which manifested itself by a limited application of unconditional deprivation of liberty and by a broad use of fine and other measures not involving deprivation of liberty. However, the rise in crime in the eighties influenced a more frequent application of unconditional deprivation of liberty, which resulted in the growth of prison population. In 1979, the number of persons deprived of liberty amounted to 16,764 (157 per 100,000 of the population), while in 1984 the respective number was 21,884 (205 per 100.000 of the population). In Hungary, conditional suspension of the execution of the penalty of deprivation- of liberty is not as popular as in other European socialist countries. For every fifth convicted person, the execution of penalty is suspended. In 1973, the courts for the- first time passed a greater number of fines (48.8 per cent) than prison sentences (43.9 per cent). In the-following years, the share of fines in the structure of penalties even exceeded 50 per cent. However, after entering into force of the new Penal code, an unexpected drop in the number of fines took place things to the which was due among other fact that some of the  petty offences were removed from the Penal Code , and that a new penal measure without deprivation of liberty, i.e. probation, was introduced. In 1983, the share of fines dropped to 40 per cent of all sentences. The Hungarian courts were most reluctant to apply the penalty of corrective and educational work as soon as the penalty was introduced in 1950. For a dozen-odd years the share of this penalty in all penalties imposed never exceeded 10 per cent. After the 1961 Penal Code was introduced the penalty of corrective and educational work  showed an upward trend (up to 15,8 per cent in 1964), but later on started to fall up, to 4 per cent in 1983. In the years 1962 -1983. common courts sentenced 105 persons to death penalty, for qualified homicide in the vast majority of cases. Since 1968, this penalty has been applied exlusively towards the perpetrators of homicide. In 1984, the extent of reported crime in Hungary was similar to that found in Poland (1, 470 per 100,000 o0f the population); however, in Hungary the response to the rise in crime has been in general much more balanced and quiet.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1987, XIV; 43-95
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Czynny żal jako instrument polityki kryminalnej i karnej
    Active repentance as an instrument of criminal and penal policy
    Autorzy:
    Sitarz, Olga
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/698486.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    2009
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    polityka kryminalna
    polityka karna
    criminal law
    active repentance
    Opis:
    The object of the analysis are the institution known in the criminal law as active repentance and other similar normative institutions, which are sometimes referred to by scientists as active repentance in its broad sense or as quasi-active repentance. I was interested in the behavior of the perpetrator after commitment of an offence as a factor affecting the extent of perpetrator’s criminal liability in the context of criminal and penal policy (legally permissible modification of criminal responsibility in individual cases). Even a brief review of the institutions of active repentance in the Polish criminal law (regulated in the general and specific chapters of the Penal Code) allows to state that there is no uniformity, consistency, and rationality in shaping of this substantial instrument of criminal and penal policy. Sometimes one may have an impression that the issue of active repentance was regulated quite accidentally, not as a part of the comprehensive, rational criminal policy pursued by the entire criminal justice system. Since the key question is whether the established and accepted objectives and functions of punishment and / or criminal law can be achieved without a punishment, therefore the first part of the article is devoted to theories and functions of the penalty in conjunction with the reasons and functions attributed to active repentance. The different functions of an active repentance – to increase the efficiency – require some specific element in the design of this institution to be taken into consideration. These variables may be: if the benefits gained by the repentant are facultative or mandatory, the extent of the benefits, additional requirements imposed on the offender related to his conduct, an indication of a shorter or longer time limit to meet the statutory requirements and / or conditions related to repentant’s motivation, directory of the deeds in which the perpetrator can use the benefits arising from his active repentance, and indirectly also the place and method of regulation. Whether these variables should include consent of the victim, with all its consequences, probably also needs to be taken into consideration. Referring to the presented features of active repentance, by operating with the indicated variables, one can attempt to construct a variety of models of active repentance appropriate for performance of specific functions. Assuming its preventive function, active repentance should be provided for the widest range of crimes possible. Preferably, active repentance should be described clearly and precisely in the general part of the Criminal Code. Benefits provided for the accused person should be as wide as possible and always obligatory. Effective preventive function enforces the need to spread this instrument, especially the profits associated with it.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 2009, XXXI; 159-172
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
    Tytuł:
    Polska myśl kryminologiczna od schyłku XIX w. do 1939 r.
    The Polish Criminological Thought from the Close of the 19th Century till 1939
    Autorzy:
    Nelken, Jan
    Powiązania:
    https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/699220.pdf
    Data publikacji:
    1986
    Wydawca:
    Polska Akademia Nauk. Instytut Nauk Prawnych PAN
    Tematy:
    kryminologia
    prawo karne
    historia
    filozofia
    szkoła antropologiczna
    psychopatia
    socjologia
    osobowość
    przestępca
    polityka kryminalna
    criminology
    criminal law
    history
    philosophy
    anthropological school
    psychopaty
    sociology
    personality
    criminal
    criminal policy
    polish criminological thought
    Opis:
    Both the anthropological school of Lombroso, established in the late half of the 19th century, and the sociological school established by Ferri and other criminologists ( Liszt, Prins, van Hammel, Tarde) met with a keen interest in Poland. However, the anthropological school was criticized, as it was the case in other countries too, both by the classical school of penal law, and from the sociological point of view. A critical analysis of the views of Lombroso and his successors was made by the leading representative of the classical school of penal law in Poland in those days Krzymuski who  postulated that recognition of the individual’s free will to be condition of his penal liability, Krzymuski opposed free will to be conception of a born criminal propagated by Lombroso. Lombroso’s theory was also criticized by  Krzywicki, a sociologist and anthropologist who considered the former’s  approach towards the conditions of crime to be too narrow, leaving out of account those resulting from the social and economic conditions. On the other  hand, Polish criminologists considered it to be Lombroso’s unquestionable merit that he had called attention to the necessity of studying the offender's personality, and in this way initiated the modern criminology. Opinions of various sociological schools were discussed in the Polish literature and accepted by the majority of authors starting from the close of the 19th century. In particular, the most accepted one was the opinion that offence is a result of both individual and social factors, and the aim of punishment meted out by the court should be not only to deter. the perpetrator from committing offences, but also to reeducate him. Due to the fact that in the 19th-centuiy judicial practice the sentence depended on the extent of damage caused by the offender, it was emphasized in the Polish literature that punishment should take into consideration also the offender's individual features, as it is only then that it can fulfil its tasks (Stebelski). With the accepted division of offenders into professional and causal, the fact was stressed that - if the offender reveals a tendency to relapse into crime- the measures the society applies towards him should be more drastic since the society has to defend itself against incorrigible criminals in an effective way. Instead, more lenient measures should be applied towards causal offenders, such measures  being sufficient for their reeducation. In the period between the two world wars, criminology in Poland became a separate branch and extended its range; the establishment of the Polish Criminological Society in 1921 and of the Department of Criminology at the Free Polish University in 1922, later (I932) transformed into the Criminological Institute, contributed to this situation. The Polish criminology of that period faced the task of studying and defining in detail the basic factors of crime: individual (endogenous) and social (exogenous). This was related to the necessity to learn about the sources of crime with the aim of its effective control by means of preparing a Penal Code and properly shaping the criminal policy (Wróblewski). When studying the individual factors of crime, particular attention was paid to the psychopathic personality. Criminal psychopaths were believed to suffer from a pathological moral defect resulting from their underdevelopment in the sphere of emotions. It was stated that psychopaths who committed an offence should not be recognized as mentally irresponsible (Nelken). Psychopathy cannot be treated psychiatrically; on the other hand, intensified resocialization of the offender is necessary here, conditions for this treatment created during his prison term. At the same time, an adequate segregation of prisoners should be applied based on the psychopathological criterion (Łuniewski). The science of the offender's personality was called criminal biology; it dealt with the physical and mental structure of the offender. Criminal biology was to make use of the general anthropological, psychological and psychiatric data as well as those gathered by means of other clinical methods. Aimed at  gathering comprehensive data concerning the whole of the offender’s mental and physical properties, criminal biology should not confine itself to a mere specification of his various traits: it should also study their origin, methodically examining the development of these properties in the milieu in which the offender’s personality was formed. Thus the criminal-biological research must be made from the psychological and medical as well as sociological points of view. Particular importance was attached to detailed environmental research in the study of juvenile delinquents (Batawia). In the early Thirties, the Ministry of Justice initiated criminological- biological research in prisons. The research was carried out by special commissions with the use of a specially prepared comprehensive questionnaire . The greatest part was played by psychiatric and psychological examination. The  criminal-biological research in prisons was interrupted by the outbreak of the war. In connection with the criminogenic role of alcoholism, criminologists spoke for a considerable reduction of production and sale of spirits. Moreover, an opinion was expressed that a commission of an offence in the state of a normal (the so-called physiological) intoxication should not result in the recognition of the offender as mentally irresponsible. Only pathological intoxication may be considered from the point of view of irrespossibility. The offender should not avail himself of his intoxication as a mitigating circumstance (Nelken). The scientists opposed the introduction of compulsory sterilization which was to be applied toward persons whose children could inherit serious  pathological traits from them. The opposition had both scientific and humanistic grounds (Łuniewski, Nelken). Compulsory sterilization was not introduced. The main trend of the Polish criminology in the period between the wars corresponded with the sociological school which took into account the relationship between the endogenous (biological) and the exogenous (social) factors in the origins of crime. A vast majority of Polish criminologists opposed the conception of a “born criminal” put forward by Lombroso. Some of the Polish scholars of the period between the wars who used the term “criminal anthropology” (e.g. Rabinowicz), emphasized the evolution of this science which differed from the Lombroso’s doctrine, and postulated the social milieu as a factor be largely taken into consideration in the studies on the causes of crime. In the Polish criminology of those days, the stress was laid principally on criminal biology due to the fact that the internal factor is usually less  conspicuous and more difficult to prove than the external one in the etiology of crime. It was emphasized that not all of persons who  found themselves in unfavourable social conditions turned offenders (Neymark, Lemkin); therefore, the biological (somato psychological) factor determines the individual’s moral resistance to the unfavourable external conditions. On the other hand, also the social factor, in addition to the biological one, was included in the causes of crime, due to the considerable impact of living conditions on the human mind. The opinion was that - though the etiology of an offence is usually determined by a combination of the external and internal factors - in each case one should attempt to find out which of these factors prevailed in the origin of a given act; this should also be taken into account in the criminological prognosis. In general, the chance for correction is smaller in the case of an offender of the endogenous type who requires a more thorough and longer resocialization as compared with one of the exogenous type; this should be taken into account by the court when meting out punishment (Rabinowicz, Lemkin). The Polish  Penal Code of 1932 (in force till 1969) was an expression of the compromise between the classical school of penal law and the sociological school. In the code, many legal structures included in the General Part were formulated in accordance with the achievements of the science of penal law in its classical form; this concerns particularly the definition or the essence of crime and the principles of liability including that of subjectivism as responsibility for a culpable act. A compromising character was given in the code to meting out punishment which was conditioned not only  by the weight of the offence according to the classical principle of retribution and deterrence, but also by the offender's personality and the life he had led hitherto according to the instructions of the sociological school (Art. 54). The discussed code did not adopt from the Italian positivism the so-called ante-criminal prevention, i.e.. the application of sanctions towards an individual who has not committed any prohibited act yet. Also indeterminate sentences were not adopted in the Code in relation to penalties and not protective measures, as this would be contradictory to the principle of individualization of punishment. Under the influence of the sociological school the Code contained of a possibility of suspension of ęxceution of the penalty, and of its extraordinary rnitigation, as well as the release from prison before the expiration of term (separately regulated by the law of 1927-) and a possibility to mete out a more severe penalty in the case of recidivists. In addition to the medical security measures, which consisted in the commitment of the offender to a mental hospital and which the court could apply towards the persons guilty of acts committed in the state of mental irresponsibility or decreased responsibility, the code introduced - basing on the postulates of the sociological school-isolating security measures applied towards the offenders whose acts were connected with reluctance to work, and towards recidivists and professional as well as habitual criminals if their staying at liberty endangered the legal order. The isolating security measures were applied together with the penalty (not instead of it), the necessity of their application connected with the ‘’ state of danger", i.e. the perpetrator's probability of commission of further offences; in the criminological literature, subjective and state of objective criteria of the danger were distinguished (Strasman). According to Art. 84 of the  Penal Code, offenders of this type were  committed to a special institution  for at least 5 years, and the court decided after the termination of each such period whether it was necessary to prolong the commitment for the next five years. In the Penal Code of 1932, also the measures applied towards juvenile delinquents were divided into educational measures on the one hand, and commitment to a corrective institution on the other hand, depending  on the juvenile's age and of his possible discernment or lack there of when committing the forbiden act.
    Źródło:
    Archiwum Kryminologii; 1986, XIII; 223-260
    0066-6890
    2719-4280
    Pojawia się w:
    Archiwum Kryminologii
    Dostawca treści:
    Biblioteka Nauki
    Artykuł
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