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Tytuł:
Gender Differences in Reactions to TV Political Advertising: An Empirical Study of the 2015 Presidential Election in Poland
Autorzy:
Olszanecka-Marmola, Agata
Marmola, Maciej
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056229.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political advertising
effects of political advertising
gender
political image
presidential election
Opis:
Many studies on TV political advertising suggest the gender differences in the reactions to advertising in the affective aspect, both at the level of liking and evaluation of the candidates. The article follows this trend, presenting an empirical study carried out in Poland during the 2015 presidential electoral campaign. The results show gender differences in the evaluation of candidates. We found out that women are more susceptible to changing the perception of candidates' images as a result of the influence of TV electoral ads. Interestingly, watching advertisements resulted in a statistically significant decrease in the evaluation of most candidates. Women's susceptibility to political advertising is also proved by changes in the emotional attitude to the candidates after watching the spots. In addition, the research showed that TV electoral ads cannot change the perception of candidates whose images are consolidated in public discourse.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2020, 27, 2; 109-125
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
An overeview of attitude towards selected aspects of electoral programs of Polish political groups taking part in the 2014 elections to the European Parliament
Autorzy:
Ganowicz, Ewa
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647755.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Political Science
party system
political parties
political programmes
Europarliament 2014 elections
Opis:
Elections to the European Parliament (EP), because of its role in establishing the legal order in member states of the European Union (EU), should become increasingly crucial among all the direct elections in which Poles participate in our country’s political system.  But the results of analyses carried out by various research institutions indicate that, in Polish public opinion, the elections to the EP are the least important in terms of the meaning they have for Poles. Since the start of their organization, these elections have consistently come second (in terms of significance) to domestic elections – Presidential, Parliamentary, and local.Yet these elections, for many reasons, were actually the most important of all European elections so far. The following paper is an attempt at answering the question of how important the issues of Polish membership in the EU, EU`s functioning and policy, economic and some selected socio-cultural (especially moral and religious) problems. To answer that question, an analysis was made of the program documents of all parties participating in the 2014 elections to the EP, as well as of party leaders’ statements, mostly posted on the Internet (i.e. on the political groups’ websites). The analysis was conducted taking into consideration three areas:Political: – expansion of the Eurozone into Poland, the possibility of blocking treaties by particular member countries, a common EU foreign policy, the idea of „European solidarity”, the assessment of the integration process, and potential sanctions to be placed by the EU on Russia;Economic: – commercialization and privatization of the health care system, the problem of government interference in the economy, environmental protection at the cost of economic development, decreasing expenses as a means of fighting the economic crisis, and employee redundancies;Moral – Religious: – the possibility of legalizing unions by homosexual couples, the legalization of abortion and marijuana for personal use, the possibility of trading on Sundays and holidays, the introduction of sexual education into schools, the separation of church and state by removing religious symbols from the public sphere, as well as the impossibility of financing churches through public funds. 
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2016, 23, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The idea of situational leadership in political parties
Autorzy:
Stręk, Natalia Urszula
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647808.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
situational leadership
political parties
political leadership
Opis:
The results from the Polish parliamentary elections in 2015 showed a significant change in the behaviour of the electorate. Two completely new political groups have entered the Sejm. For the very first time in the history of the Third Polish Republic, a new balance of power emerged, which excluded the left-wing parties from political discourse without assigning them a parliamentary mandate [Dudek 2016: 687]. In the face of this turn of events, it is difficult to maintain the thesis concerning the "freezing" of the circulation of political elites in the current political system. The Modern political party was established on 31 May 2015 [Kim jesteśmy?] while the Kukiz'15 political movement formed only three months before the parliamentary elections [O stowarzyszeniu – władze krajowe i okręgowe]. These two political organisations were able to overcome the electoral threshold and achieve unexpected success in such a short period of time and without an extensive party structure or significant financial base. The mobilisation of the electorate took place outside the parliamentary structures. In view of this, is the phenomenon of 'over-parlamentisation' [Żukiewicz 2011: 343] involved in the creation of political leaders still valid? Is it to be believed, that in the face of ever more frequent grassroots social initiatives, the real political struggle still only takes place within the parties and political leaders who are not traditional participants of political party games but who appear as activists associated with other areas of public life?On the other hand, the changes that take place in the electorate do not directly translate into the reorganisation of party structures. The tendency to block political advancement by the already established political elite still persists. Traditional political parties are afraid of this new situation, which can significantly harm their interests. Impeding these changes may seem to be an obvious reaction, inscribed in the rules of political struggle [Żukiewicz 2011: 345]. However, the constant increase in tension between the demands and expectations of the electorate and the offer of these parties may indicate that the current balance of power will not last for long. Upcoming transformations cannot be avoided however attempts should be made to control them. For this reason, leaders of traditional political parties should decide on utilising such a mechanism for selecting leaders as it would not exclude them from the political space while at the same time be a guarantor of power.Being part of the 21st century, we have all witnessed and participated in the intensification of globalisation processes as well as the generational change and the popularisation of ideas related to the information society. The significant increase in the importance of the phenomenon of mediatisation of politics causes a reversal of the hierarchy of attributes and predispositions which are desired by society [Schulz 2004: 87-101]. The image of political leaders on social media begins to outweigh their actual leadership skills. There is a danger that the new mechanism responsible for creating party structures will indeed facilitate the circulation of the elite, but unfortunately at the expense of the quality of potential leaders. That is why it is so important that the transformation process of the political power system proceeds as designed, and not in a chaotic manner, succumbing to bottom-up trends.In addition, external factors of an international nature make it difficult to conduct research on the latest political phenomena. The changes currently occurring in society require new research perspectives and approaches. Traditional theories concerning the political system and the understanding of party structure may turn out to be insufficient.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2018, 25, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
The Paradigmatic Approach in Political Historiography – Nature and Solutions
Autorzy:
Manov, Boris
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647597.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political thought
history of political thought
political paradigms
contextualism
philosophical historicism
paradigmatic approach in historiography
Opis:
The present essay aims to contribute to the contemporary debate on what the most appropriate approach for political historiography is. In it, three approaches are outlined as the most influential and widespread today: philosophico-methodological historicism, contextualism, and the paradigmatic approach. The paradigmatic approach is investigated with respect to its nature, contents and heuristic parameters, and the legitimacy of its application is explained. The defining feature of this approach is that it presents the development of political thought as a progressive three-stage dialectical and logical process of “overcoming” the “outdated” and establishing new paradigms. The implementation of the paradigmatic approach in political historiography allows the coming of new political doctrines to be seen as the expression of the requirements set by the existing political paradigm in a given historical period and not as the effect of chance or divine inspiration.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2016, 23, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rywalizacja wyborcza na Ukrainie w 2012 roku
Autorzy:
Baluk, Walenty
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647577.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political parties
election
political competition
partie polityczne
wybory
rywalizacja
Opis:
Amendment of electoral law and procedure to appoint government conduced to keep power by The Party of Regions. Parliamentary election of 2012 did not fill full democratic standards. Political parties had not equal access to the mass media, source of finance and electioneering. Counteract of changeover was observable especially in single-member districts. In spite of many infringements of electoral law, the Ukrainian parties system is still diverse. But Ukraine has made a step back in the path of strengthening democracy standards.
Zmiana prawa wyborczego i  procedury powołania rządu sprzyjały zachowaniu władzy przez Partię Regionów. Elekcja parlamentarna 2012 roku nie odpowiadała w  pełni standardom demokratycznym. Partie rządzące i  opozycyjne nie miały równego dostępu do środków masowego przekazu, takich samych możliwości finansowania kampanii wyborczej oraz prowadzenia agitacji politycznej. Przeciwdziałanie wymianie władzy było szczególnie widoczne w  okręgach jednomandatowych. Pomimo wielu naruszeń prawa wyborczego ukraiński system zachował względną rywalizacyjność. Jednak nastąpił wyraźny regres w  rozwoju demokratycznym, w  tym w  zakresie standardów wyborczych.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2013, 20, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Recenzja: Jarosław Szczepański, Ideowe podstawy polskiego spektrum politycznego, Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, Warszawa 2019, ss. 214
Autorzy:
Przybył, Sebastian Tomasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056244.pdf
Data publikacji:
2021
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political science, polish political system
dividing axes
polish political parties
politologia
spekturm polityczne
polskie partie polityczne
osie podziałów
Opis:
The text is a review of a monograph by Jarosław Szczepański entitled "Ideological foundations of the Polish political spectrum"
Tekst jest recnezją monografii autorstwa Jarosława Szczepańskiego pt. "Ideowe podstawy polskiego spektrum politycznego".
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2021, 28, 1; 206-210
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
What Makes a Demagogue? The Figure of the Rhetor in the Closing Years of the Peloponnesian War
Autorzy:
Pacheco Bethencourt, Tomás
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2056227.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Athenian democracy
Peloponnesian War
leadership
political assembly
demagoguery
tyranny
political rhetoric
Opis:
It is usual to associate the word “demagogue” with bad political leadership. At worst, it is also usual to think about a leader that uses deception and feeds on the more primal emotions of the people to get what he wants. But, in reality, answering the question of what a demagogue was is far from easy. Thus, this paper hypothesizes that there is no substantial difference between a demagogue and a rhetor in Athenian democracy. As its method, the paper analyses the context of use of the term by the different actors as to shed some light on their intentions. First, the paper examines the concept of “demagogue” and how the term appears in the democratic tradition, by focusing on its usage in the works of authors such as Aristophanes, Lysias and Thucydides. Next, it refers to the way in which adversaries of Athenian democracy, especially deriving from philosophy, used the term. As this paper will show, there is a significant difference between the two usages, the former being descriptive and the latter pejorative. Finally, the paper concludes that both in the descriptive and pejorative sense, being a demagogue meant to be a rhetor, a leader of the demos.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2020, 27, 2; 15-28
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Direct democracy at the national level in Poland. The case of referendum
Autorzy:
Marczewska-Rytko, Maria
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647769.pdf
Data publikacji:
2013
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
direct democracy
Polska
referendum
political participation
Opis:
The aim of the article is to analyze a  referendum as the main institution characteristic of direct democracy at the national level in Poland. The article consists of two parts. First of them is connected with direct democracy before 1989, and the second one after 1989. Direct democracy has never been or is particularly esteemed in Poland. The referendum of 30 June 1946 was essentially instrumental and the initiators utilized it as a  way to hold power and legitimize it. High expectations were placed on the transformation period after 1989. The referendum of 30 June 1946 was essentially instrumental. The initiators utilized it as a  way to hold power and legitimize it. The next referendum of 29 November 1987 also became part of the negative practice of politicizing this instrument of direct democracy. High expectationswere placed on the transformation period after 1989. The President’s referendum bill of November 1995 concerning the general granting of property rights to citizens was passed. This motion was approved because it was initiated by the President and then supported by the motion of a  group of the SLD Deputiesconcerning the sharing out of State property. Under such circumstances those submitting the motion had a  guaranteed majority necessary for taking an appropriate resolution. It became the grounds for the referendum which was held on 18 February 1996. The next referendum was the Constitution-approving one of 25 May 1997. The political scene was clearly divided into the supporters and opponents of the new Constitution. On 17 April 2003 the Sejm passed a  resolution on ordering a  nationwide referendum concerning Poland’s membership of the European Union.
Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2013, 20, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Social movements and political outcomes: why both ends fail to meet
Autorzy:
Zimmermann, Ekkart
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647699.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political protest
theories of social mobilization
social movement strategies
political opportunity structure
response hierarchy
cycles of protest
Opis:
The relationships between social movement challenges and political outcomes remain strongly underresearched in the field of social movements. Here, we use the labels “social” and “political” in a broad sense to comprise many types of challenges and many types of outcomes, such as economic and social outcomes for specific movements as well as general policy outcomes. Four theories are crucial for understanding successful mobilization of social movements: relative deprivation, resource mobilization, framing, and the theoretical figure of the opening political opportunity structure. Political outcomes, at least in democratic political systems, are usually the result of a parallelogram of different claims and means of influencing outcomes, in short, of compromises. Here, we list various forms of outcomes, from successful acceptance of movement demands to part-time successes or entire failures, and also the various strategies incumbents have in dealing with social movement challenges. Researchers usually have focused on the individual and structural conditions of the emergence of social movements but less so on the conditions of processing social movement demands and the outcomes for movements themselves, for the electorate and for policy changes. Consequently, there is little research available that would meet the requirements of an adequate research design in view of the numerous factors spelled out here as a theoretical control list. The idea of a response hierarchy of incumbents is suggested as a sort of a dispositional concept for further, more consolidated, research in this area. Also the notion of cycles of various sorts has to be kept in mind in order to avoid misjudging of both, the persistence of social movements over time, and their eventual successes and failures.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
From local clientelism to populism – the case of Radu Mazăre
Autorzy:
Pandelea, Sabin
Mieczkowski, Robert
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647777.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
populism, clientelism
local political elites
electoral linkages
accountability
Opis:
The fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe imposed not only a transition towards a new regime, but also the reconstruction of the democratic institutions. That meant, as Peter Mair puts it, that the firsts to come to power had the great advantage of shaping the administration and government agencies for their own benefit. This consequently led to establishing clientelistic networks and party patronage by spoiling offices. At the same time, the new post-communist democracies had to transform themselves, from a totalitarian regime with a unique party which controlled merely every aspect of politics and society, into pluralistic societies with multiparty systems. That also meant that the political actors had to win their positions through an open and democratic electoral process, thus having to create electoral linkages in order to secure their sits. Many local political figures in post-communist Romania interpreted this new situation by buying the votes and by establishing clientelistic linkages, based on offering various goods, favors or social security benefits in the exchange of the vote and of the electoral support. These practices led to the emergence of powerful local political elites, with increased popular support and significant influence in the party structure due to their electoral linkages, the so-called local barons. This paper seeks to explore the connection between such local electoral clientelistic networks and the populist approach employed by the respective local political elites.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Analiza u źródeł poznania teorii polityki i metodologii badań politologicznych w Polsce. Czy można i należy odseparować naukę od ideologii?
Autorzy:
Młyńczyk, Łukasz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647452.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Marxism, political science methodology, political theory, scientific explanation, humanistic interpretation
marksizm, metodologia nauk politologicznych, teoria polityki, wyjaśnianie naukowe, interpretacja humanistyczna
Opis:
This paper presents the analysis of theoretical and methodological writings of Polish humanistic and social science researchers, who apply to the rules of Marxist methodology. Polish theoretical traditions fromthe communist era are sometimes collectively accused of indoctrination, because they were rejected after 1989 due to being a part of the ideological legacy of the previous era. The aim of this article was to present Marxist theory of politics and political science methodology, which are still of interest and constitute useful knowledge, because the process of ideology slightly changes the value of political science’s subdisciplines.
W artykule przedstawiono analizę pism teoretycznych oraz metodologicznych polskich badaczy humanistycznych i społecznych, odwołujących się w swoich badaniach do założeń metodologii marksistowskiej. Polskie tradycje teoretyczne w nauce z czasów PRL bywają zbiorczo oskarżane o indoktrynację, ponieważ zostały odrzucone po 1989 r. jako spuścizna ideologiczna poprzedniej epoki. Celem artykułu było wykazanie, że marksistowska teoria polityki oraz metodologia badań politologicznych stanowią wciąż interesujący i przydatny zasób wiedzy, ponieważ sama ideologizacja w niewielkim stopniu zmienia wartość tych subdyscyplin politologii.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polska jako idea polityczna w pismach Antoniego Chołoniewskiego
Autorzy:
Grzybek, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647583.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
Antoni Chołoniewski, Polish political tradition, federalism, political liberty, world peace
Antoni Chołoniewski, polska tradycja polityczna, federalizm, wolność polityczna, pokój światowy
Opis:
This article analyses political ideas of Antoni Chołoniewski, a Polish journalist and writer. In his book Duch dziejów Polski (Ghost of Polish history), Chołoniewski had delivered an idea of Poland as a political community based on political liberty, parliamentary government and toleration. He took for granted a pacific attitude and ability to multinational federations as elements of Polish political tradition also. According to Chołoniewski, destruction of old Poland meant strengthening of autocracy and militarism in Europe, whereas reconstruction of Poland would be auxiliary for liberal-democratic order in the world. In this concept, Polish political ideas would be in line with a new global order. This political vision of Chołoniewski was in discrepancy with his strong anti-Jewish attitude. Idealized tolerant Poland has fallen in a conflict with Chołoniewski’s concept of real Polish interest.
W artykule przeanalizowano idee polityczne Antoniego Chołoniewskiego, polskiego dziennikarza i pisarza. W swojej książce Duch dziejów Polski przedstawił on ideę Polski jako wspólnoty politycznej opartej na wolności politycznej, rządach parlamentarnych i tolerancji. Do istoty polskiej idei politycznej miały należeć także pokojowe skłonności oraz zdolność do tworzenia wielonarodowych federacji politycznych. Zdaniem Chołoniewskiego upadek dawnej Polski miał wzmacniać tendencje autokratyczne i militarystyczne w Europie, zaś jej odbudowanie miało służyć budowie porządku demokratyczno-liberalnego na świecie, w którym polski ideał polityczny byłby zgodny z zasadami porządku światowego. Z tą retrospektywną utopią kontrastują jednak silne w publicystyce Chołoniewskiego wątki antyżydowskie. Wyidealizowana Polska znalazła się w sprzeczności z koncepcją realnych interesów polskich.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2016, 23, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Polityczne organizacje muzułmańskie w Federacji Rosyjskiej
Autorzy:
Kozioł, Aleksandra
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647611.pdf
Data publikacji:
2019
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
political organizations, Muslims, Islam, Russian Federation, political parties, fundamentalism, terrorism
organizacje polityczne, muzułmanie, islam, Federacja Rosyjska, partie polityczne, fundamentalizm, terroryzm
Opis:
This article addresses the political dimension of Islam in the Russian Federation. In respective parts the general characteristics and division of Muslims in the Russian Federation were made, legal aspects referring to this group of people were analyzed, and then Russian political Muslim organizations were presented, including not only political parties, but also fundamentalist and terrorist groups. The method of systems analysis in its micro dimension was used for the study, attempting to determine the position and role of political Muslim organizations in the Russian Federation. As a result, the article shows that in the current social and legal system it does not seem possible to create Muslim political organizations at the federal level, while some of the dissatisfied with the functioning of the state system population may direct their support to fundamentalist or even terrorist groups.
Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje kwestie politycznego wymiaru islamu w Federacji Rosyjskiej. W poszczególnych jego częściach dokonano ogólnej charakterystyki i podziału muzułmanów w FR, przeanalizowano aspekty prawne mające odniesienie do tej grupy ludności, a następnie przedstawiono rosyjskie polityczne organizacje muzułmańskie, w tym nie tylko partie polityczne, ale również ugrupowania o charakterze fundamentalistycznym i terrorystyczne. Do badania zastosowano metodę analizy systemowej w jej rozumieniu mikro, podejmując próbę określenia pozycji oraz roli politycznych organizacji muzułmańskich w FR. W efekcie w artykule wykazano, iż w obecnym układzie społecznym i prawnym nie wydaje się możliwe tworzenie muzułmańskich organizacji politycznych na szczeblu federalnym, zaś część niezadowolonej z funkcjonowania systemu państwowego ludności może kierować swoje poparcie do ugrupowań fundamentalistycznych lub nawet terrorystycznych.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2019, 26, 1
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Participatory Budgeting – the Case of the Slovak Republic
Autorzy:
Garaj, Michal
Bardovič, Jakub
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/34112011.pdf
Data publikacji:
2020
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
participatory budgeting
political participation
Slovakia
self-governing regions
municipalities
Opis:
This paper deals with the issue of participatory budgeting as one of the newer tools of political participation. Its aim is to characterise the current situation in the Slovak Republic at two levels of territorial self-administration (self-governing regions and municipalities). To reach defined aims, it monitors the existence of legislative settings at the national level, the existence of individual settings at the observed levels and subsequently the practical application of the participatory budgeting itself. Procedures associated with the study of documents are used in article; the obtained data are summarized, described and compared mutually. In addition to laws and regulations issued by self-government units, the source of data is also the regional and local self-government units’ official websites. In the absence of one universal definition of the participatory budgeting rules at the national level, the findings have shown that there are relatively extensive conditions for implementing participatory budgeting with its specific settings defined by self-administrations. In Slovakia, participatory budgeting is only gradually introduced into the internal rules, which reflects a relatively small number of municipalities or self-governing regions, which ultimately use it effectively.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2020, 27, 2; 59-73
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Formy przemocy politycznej w Internecie – próba klasyfikacji
Autorzy:
Mider, Daniel Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/647888.pdf
Data publikacji:
2015
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
Tematy:
social informatics, Internet sociology, political violence, political violence on the Internet
informatyka społeczna, socjologia Internetu, przemoc polityczna, przemoc polityczna w Internecie
Opis:
This paper developed a classification key of political violence on the Internet. Political violence on the Internet manifests itself to the same extent as in physical reality – we note both physical and psychological violence, as well as cultural and structural violence. Online political violence encompasses three forms:cyberwar, cyberterrorism and hacktivism using physical violence. Psychological violence is a set of fourteen forms of violence, divided into three separate groups depending on the level of its intensity. The broadest category of violence is structural violence and cultural violence legitimizing it. There are three identifiedforms: information supervision of the state over the society, Internet censorship and the digital divide.
W artykule opracowano klucze klasyfikacyjne przemocy politycznej w Internecie, która manifestuje się w analogicznym zakresie jak w rzeczywistości fizycznej – odnotowujemy zarówno przemoc fizyczną i psychiczną, jak i kulturową i strukturalną. W ramach politycznej przemocy fizycznej w Internecie wyodrębniono trzy jej formy: cyberwojnę, cyberterroryzm oraz haktywizm wykorzystujący przemoc fizyczną. Przemoc psychiczna stanowi zespół czternastu podzielonych na trzy grupy form przemocy wyodrębnionych ze względu na poziom jej natężenia. Najszerszą kategorię przemocy stanowi przemoc strukturalna i legitymizująca ją przemoc kulturowa. Zidentyfikowano trzy jej formy: nadzór informacyjny państwa nad społeczeństwem, cenzurę internetową oraz cyfrowy podział.
Źródło:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia; 2015, 22, 2
1428-9512
2300-7567
Pojawia się w:
Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio K – Politologia
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Wyświetlanie 1-15 z 49

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