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Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9
Tytuł:
Taktyka prezydenta Paulusa Krugera wobec Wielkiej Brytanii w latach 1883-1900
Paulus Kruger’s Policy towards Great Britain (1883-1900)
Autorzy:
Matera, Rafał
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16729359.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
Paulus Kruger (1825-1904) was a co-founder of the first Boer State and four times President of Transvaal State in the years 1883-1900. As a young boy he took part in the Great Trek which led to the establishment of the new Boer republics in South Africa. He assumed the main duties in Transvaal and after British annexation in 1877 Kruger visited twice London to talk about the restoration of Transvaal’s independence. After his return to South Africa he was the leader of the first Boer War, which led to Transvaal autonomy under British „suzerainty”. From the very beginning of his presidency the most important purpose for Kruger was to establish the relationships with the United Kingdom. His third visit in London in 1884 brought the signing of the new London Convention. The convention granted sovereignty to Transvaal but South African Republic (new name of the state) could not pursue its own foreign policy except for maintaining relations with Orange Free State. It was difficult for Kruger to achieve self-dependence in Transvaal’s policy especially since the shrewd politician, Cecil John Rhodes had arrived to South Africa. During Kruger’s presidency there was a bitter dispute over Boer-British controversy about Swaziland and Matabeland in the North of Transvaal. The most burning issue in Boer-British relations was to solve the problem of „uitlanders” who had come to South Africa after the discovery of gold and diamond fields. The British tried to organise an opposition against Boer rules but the Jameson raid at the end of 1895 ended in failure. Soon afterwards Kruger received congratulations from William II but German support lasted short and in the years to follow Germany entered into friendly relations with Great Britain. At the end of 90s Kruger was no longer able to oppose British demands. The conference in Bloemfontein in June 1899 was the last attempt to save the peace but Alfred Milner’s and Joseph Chamberlain’s demands were too unreasonable to be accepted. On the 9th of October 1899 Kruger with Volksraad (Transvaal’s parliament) made up their minds about ultimatum to Great Britain. It meant that the war was bound to commence. The one and only ally for South African Republic was Orange Free State. Kruger ceased to be the President in September 1900 after British annexation during the second Boer War. Despite the fact that Kruger was no longer the president, he went to Europe at the end of 1900 but he failed in his efforts, to receive the support from Germany, France or Holland. He did not want to talk to the London government either. There was no possibility to change the British attitude to the Boer republics’ future. Kruger died in exile in Switzerland without ever seeing his free country again.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1999, 65; 31-49
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Udział ochotników z Wielkiej Brytanii w hiszpańskiej wojnie domowej
Participation of volunteers from Great Britain in the Spanish Civil War
Autorzy:
Jeziorny, Dariusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/688787.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
Brytyjczycy w Hiszpanii
Brygady Międzynarodowe
hiszpańska wojna domowa (1936–1939)
The British in Spain
the International Brigades
Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)
Opis:
Writing about the volunteers participating in struggles of the Spanish Civil War, one reservation is necessary. Namely only persons coming from the British Isles were taken into account, not from other parts of the Empire. Historians established that some 2400–2500 combatants from the United Kingdom went to Spain and only about 30 served in the rebels camp. That means that the unequivocal majority supported pro-governmental forces, particularly International Brigades. Text bring up the problems of the way of reaching Spain, motivations of decisions to fight, formed troops and their participation in military fights, social composition of recruits, most important functions taken up in Spain, treatment by the authorities and finally post-war careers of combatants. The questions of the British voluntaries’ significance in the Spanish Civil War will be also justified.
Pisząc o ochotnikach biorących udział w walkach na frontach wojny domowej w Hiszpanii, konieczne jest zastrzeżenie, że chodziło tylko o osoby pochodzące z Wysp Brytyjskich, a nie z innych części Imperium. Historycy doliczyli się 2400–2500 kombatantów z Wielkiej Brytanii, z czego tylko niewiele ponad 30 służyło po stronie rebeliantów. Oznacza to, że zdecydowana większość brała udział w walkach w ramach formacji prorządowych, szczególnie Brygad Międzynarodowych. Tekst porusza kwestie sposobu dotarcia do Hiszpanii, motywacji wyruszenia do walki, tworzonych oddziałów i ich udziale w zmaganiach zbrojnych, składu społecznego rekrutów, najważniejszych pełnionych w Hiszpanii funkcji, traktowaniu ich przez władze Frontu Ludowego, wreszcie powojennych losów kombatantów. Zasadna będzie również odpowiedź na pytanie o znaczenie udziału Brytyjczyków w wojnie domowej w Hiszpanii.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2016, 97; 107-125
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Wielka Brytania wobec kształtowania się amerykańskiej polityki „otwartych drzwi” w Chinach (1898–1900)
Great Britain and the Formulation of the American Open Door Policy in China, 1898–1900
Autorzy:
Pajor, Jan
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18104734.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The intention of this paper is to present how the British idea of the Open Door in China permeated to the United States and influenced the diplomatic actions of this country. Another matter covered here is Whitehall’s reaction to the first and second series of the Open Door notes, issued by the Department of State. The Open Door doctrine, encompassing the principles of equal commercial treatment and maintenance of China’s territorial integrity, was for many years one of the pillars of the British Far Eastern policy. However, when in the aftermath of China’s severe defeat in war with Japan foreign Powers engaged in creating spheres of influence in the Middle Kingdom, Great Britain diverged from its traditional position. London, having commercial preponderance in China, was at first against the dismemberment of this country, but eventually – since its endeavours to gain support of other Powers for the Open Door policy proved abortive – decided to perpetuate its sphere of influence. The United States, approached by the British in March 1898, were unwilling to act at that time, nor did they want to align with anyone. Nevertheless, soon afterwards the concept of the Open Door started gaining popularity among American politicians mainly due to various British influences. Therefore at the turn of 1898 and 1899 London reiterated its proposition to cooperate in China, but was rejected. The United States were determined to act alone and between 1899 and 1900 issued two series of the Open Door notes. Whilst Great Britain cordially applauded these pronouncements in general, she tried to obtain some concessions, and was partially successful. Once the Open Door policy was internationally accepted, Foreign Office again made it a fundamental element of its Chinese policy.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2012, 89; 7-21
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kształtowanie się celów politycznych dyplomacji księcia Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego wobec Wielkiej Brytanii (1831/1832)
Shaping the political aims of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski’s diplomacy towards Great Britain (1831/1832)
Autorzy:
Żurawski vel Grajewski, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16647614.pdf
Data publikacji:
1995
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The diplomatic action of A. J. Czartoryski’s camp in Great Britain in the first months of emigration was the direct continuation of the works carried on during the November Uprising. Until the Prince’s arrival in London on 22 December 1831, the Polish side was represented by Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz and Alexander Walewski. Then the Prince carried on the action himself. Till the mid January 1832 the attitude of the Polish side and the political aims of its activities underwent considerable evolution. At frequent meetings the British politicians (Grey, Palmerstone and Brougham) were presented with many memorials concerning the Polish question and the possibility of obtaining the English support on international forum was discussed. At first they tried to persuade the British to the Polish interpretation of the resolutions of The Vienna Treaty which Prince Czartoryski perceived as an international legal base for the intervention of the western empires on the benefit of Poland. To stress the separate character of the Polish Kingdom and Russia they tried to send the British consul to Warszawa. They expected from the British diplomacy activities aiming at mitigation of the Russian repressions, preserving constitutional privillages in the Kingdom and introducing national institutions in the former Polish gubernyas of the Russian Empire. At the initial period they resigned from defending the postulate of full Polish independence. Only at the end of December 1831 and in January 1832 they attempted to arouse Great Britain’s interest in the idea of rebuilding fully independent Poland, to achieve the French-English rapprochement and to create the united front of these empires against Russia. They set forth the postulate of uniting the Polish gubemyas of the empire with the Kingdom and they even probed the possibility of military engagement of England and France against Russia. In the second half of January a rapid retreat took place: from the active shaping of situation in Poland for the benefit of defending already achieved advantages and preserving the status of the Polish Kingdom. The main task of the Polish diplomacy was restraining Great Britain from recognition of constitutional changes carried on by the Russians and creating the conviction that in the light of international law those changes were illegal. During the whole discussed period they stressed the advantages that Great Britain and Europe might have if independent Poland had been created, especially if it were treated as anti-Russian barrier. The British diplomacy quite quickly accepted the Polish interpretation of the Vienna Treaty, but the impassable barrier of their involvement in supporting the Polish case was the direct military intervention which England did not want and could not take up and without which there were only limited possibilities of having influence on the Russian actions in Poland. Finally, the positive result of Czartoryski’s action was preserving the presence of the Polish question on international arena, disturbing its the unfavourable closing and treating it as Russia’s own home affair.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1995, 52; 19-39
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawa belgijska w działalności politycznej księcia Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego wobec Wielkiej Brytanii (1831-1833)
The Belgian Question in Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski’s Political Activity Related to Great Britain (1831-1833)
Autorzy:
Żurawski vel Grajewski, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/16729358.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
From the very beginning of his emigration Prince Czartoryski paid his attention to the political game of powers concerning the Belgian crisis. The Conference of Ambassadors in London tried to find a peaceful solution of that problem, but at the end of 1831 an international tension around it still existed. The main aim of Czartoryski’s diplomacy was to convince Foreign Secretary - lord Henry Palmerston that Great Britain should not only support Belgium in her existence but also Poland in her right to political independence. In his memoirs and notes for the British government he maintained that in some way the European powers had provoked the November Uprising in Poland in 1830 by confirmation of the justice of the aims of Belgian revolution. He claimed that such a result was produced by the decision of powers not to interfere to rebuild by force the political order formerly existing by a virtue of the Treaty of Vienna but to find a just solution of the Belgian-Dutch quarrel on the Conference of Ambassadors in London. Czartoryski demanded the same for Poland. In the spring of 1832 he managed to introduce the Polish question to the parliamentary debates concerning the Russo-Dutch loan. Than supported by Robert Cutlar Fergusson - the political friend of Czartoryski, Whig and the member of Parliament, he continued his propaganda in the House of Commons in April, June and August. He also tried to win the British support for the idea of the formation of the Polish troops in the Belgian army. The suggestion of such a formation first had come from British ambassador in Brussels sir Robert Adair, who than give up that idea as soon as the political agreement with tsar Nicholas I - the most powerful ally of William I the king of Holland in his quarrel with Leopold I - the king of Belgium - seemed to be possible. Both - the Polish propaganda in British Parliament and the success of the attempts to create the Polish troops in Belgium depended on the co-operation of Foreign Office with the Polish émigrés. Palmerston was well informed and consulted by the Poles. He gave them some support in their activity, but only as far as it was in accordance with the British political aims. In fact the Polish question was for Foreign Office a kind of a tool to make a political pressure on the diplomacy of Russia, Prussia and Austria to bring them to the peacefully settlement of Belgian question according to the British will.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1999, 65; 5-30
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Działalność polityczna księcia Adama Jerzego Czartoryskiego wobec Wielkiej Brytanii w sprawie belgijskiej (1838-1839)
The Political Activity of Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski Related to Great Britain in the Belgian Question (1838-1839)
Autorzy:
Żurawski vel Grajewski, Radosław
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18029954.pdf
Data publikacji:
1999
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The „diplomacy” in exile leaded by prince Adam Czartoryski took an active part in the second Belgian crisis in the years 1838-1839. The policy of Czartoryski towards that question was partly a continuation of that one of the period of the first Belgian crisis of 1830-1833. However in 1838 he was conscious that in fact there was no hope to expect a war over Belgium. From the Polish point of view, as usually, only a great military contest in Europe could create a situation in which Poland would be restored and it was the main aim of the Polish political activity in exile. Czartoryski tried to exploit the crisis mainly to promote the Polish cause in the European policy and public opinion. During his conversation with British statesmen he demanded to solve the Polish question on the conference of ambassadors - just as it had been done with the Belgian one. He participated in political rupture between Austria, Prussia and Belgium in 1839 connected with the question of general Jan Skrzynecki - former Polish commander in chief during November Uprising in 1831, who came to Brussels to join the Belgian army. Czartoryski obtained the support of British diplomacy for general Skrzynecki, and others Polish officers in Belgium. But Foreign Office was interested in the peaceful and quick end of crisis. London hoped to collaborate with Vienna over Eastern Question where a political tension rapidly grew in 1839. Quarrel in Belgium still created some difficulties in that collaborations in Near East and Turkey. In that situation Czartoryski could not expect a war in Europe over Belgium but he tried to convince Palmerston - British Foreign Secretary - that the attitude of Austria towards Poland is the best criterion of her loyalty towards the future Austro-British alliance and that Foreign Office should press Metternich to resign from his oppressive policy in that country. According to him, if Vienna was not able to change her policy towards the Poles as she showed in the question of Polish soldiers in Belgium, it would mean that Austria was still closely connected with Russia - the main British enemy in Near East and Central Asia.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 1999, 66; 5-20
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Sprawa irlandzkiego powstania wielkanocnego na forum brytyjskiej Izby Gmin
The problem of Irish Easter Uprising in the British House of Commons’ Forum
Autorzy:
Pawłowska, Antonina
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/688265.pdf
Data publikacji:
2016
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
powstanie wielkanocne
Irlandia
Wielka Brytania
rok 1916
debaty parlamentu
Easter Rising
Ireland
Great Britain
1916
House of Commons’ debates
Opis:
The article analyzes issues discussed during debates on the subject of the Easter Rising in Ireland of 1916 in the British House of Commons’ Forum. In the course of debates the subject of British administration’s responsibility for the outbreak of rebellion was widely disputed. Conclusions on the subject were included in the Rapport of the Royal Commission on the Rebellion in Ireland. There were also debates concerning issue of legal responsibility of the rebels, the means of judging them, and the legal basis of their trials. Among the vital issues discussed the question about general John Maxwell’s scope of authority and the validity of the martial law introduced in Ireland were found. Way of treatment of the Irish rebels by the British army and international overtone of the events were analyzed. The subject of changing public mood after the suppression of the Rising and possible repercussions from this situation were followed by a heated discussion. The analysis of the mentioned issues was based on transcripts of House of Commons’ debates and the Rapport of the Royal Commission on the Rebellion in Ireland.
Artykuł analizuje zagadnienia omawiane podczas dyskusji na temat powstania wielkanocnego w Irlandii w roku 1916 na forum brytyjskiej Izby Gmin. Podczas debat szeroko omawiano kwestię odpowiedzialności administracji brytyjskiej za wybuch rebelii. Konkluzje na ten temat zawarto w raporcie Królewskiej Komisji do spraw Irlandzkiej Rebelii. Debatowano także na temat odpowiedzialności powstańców, sposobie ich sądzenia oraz podstaw prawnych, na mocy których mieliby zostać skazani. Pośród ważnych tematów poruszanych na forum parlamentu znalazł się problem zakresu władzy generała Johna Maxwella oraz zasadności wprowadzenia stanu wojennego na terenie Irlandii. Analizowano sposób traktowania cywilów przez brytyjskie wojsko oraz międzynarodowy wydźwięk wydarzeń. Gorąca dyskusja rozgorzała również w kwestii zmiany nastrojów społecznych po stłumieniu powstania oraz możliwych tego reperkusji. Wszystkie wymienione zagadnienia zostały przeanalizowane na podstawie stenogramów Izby Gmin parlamentu brytyjskiego oraz raportu Komisji do spraw Irlandzkiej Rebelii.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2016, 96; 143-160
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Kwestia utworzenia czechosłowackich jednostek wojskowych w Wielkiej Brytanii w początkowym okresie II wojny światowej (wrzesień – grudzień 1939 r.)
The Question of the Czechoslovak Military Detachments Forming in Great Britain at the Begining of World War II (September – December 1939)
Autorzy:
Żurawski vel Grajewski, Radosław Paweł
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/18104740.pdf
Data publikacji:
2012
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Opis:
The post-München agreement Czechoslovak political emigration aimed to organise the Czechoslovak army in exile just on the eve of the outbreak WW II. While Štefan Osuský – the Czechoslovak ambassador in Paris was developing the negotiation with French government on the organisation of the Czechoslovak army in France, Edvard Beneš the last president of the First Czechoslovak Republic tried to win the British support for the formation of the Czechoslovak military detachments in Great Britain. Still his main real aim was rather the political and not the military one. By forming the Czechoslovak troops in the United Kingdom he expected to open the way for recognition by the British government the Czechoslovak political representation in exile as a head of those troops (Provisional Government or National Committee). From the British point of view the organisation of the Czechoslovak troops in Great Britain was politically inconvenient and military unimportant. That question could produce the political tensions with Hungary and Italy which were both still out of war in that time. Moreover the British support for the idea of the formation of the Czechoslovak forces in the UK would have been a kind of a commitment to support the reconstruction of the Czechoslovak state thus turning that cause into one of the war aims of the British Empire which British government was not ready to accept in that period of the war. Another aspect of that question is the severe lack of military equipment in disposition of the British authorities who in such a situation decided to deliver it first of all to the British Army and not to the foreign troops. The formation of the Czechoslovak troops was not seen by the British as the real reinforcement of the allied military power, but only as the political act that it was indeed. In such a situation the British government decided to wait for the development of the Czechoslovak-French negotiation concerning the formation of the Czechoslovak army in France, and agreed only to support that process by sending the Czechoslovak conscripts from Great Britain to France. No agreement concerning the formation of the Czechoslovak forces in Great Britain was signed, still it was not excluded as regards the following months of the war.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2012, 89; 151-174
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Rola Australii w polityce kryminalnej metropolii brytyjskiej na przełomie XVIII i XIX wieku
The role of Australia in the criminal policy of the British metropolis at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries
Autorzy:
Nowak, Mateusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/688326.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet Łódzki. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego
Tematy:
polityka kryminalna
kolonia karna
kara zesłania
Zjednoczone Królestwo Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii
Australia
criminal policy
penal colony
penal transportation
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland
Opis:
The article based on a criminological analysis of penal transportation. The author talked over three main issues. Firstly, the paradigm of classical criminology that was valid in those days. Moreover, the researcher took into account substantive and procedural law, that is the applicable criminal regulations and the activities of the justice system in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Thirdly, it was necessary to describe the living conditions in Australian and Tasmanian penal colonies. The author comes to the conclusion that penal transportation was testified about a punitive and inhumane law system. In addition, its effectiveness was questionable.
Artykuł opiera się na analizie kary zesłania. Autor porusza trzy główne kwestie. Po pierwsze, omówiono aktualny w tamtych czasach paradygmat kryminologii klasycznej. Następnie wzięto pod uwagę prawo karne materialne oraz procesowe, czyli obowiązujące przepisy i działalność wymiaru sprawiedliwości w Zjednoczonym Królestwie Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii. Po trzecie, w opracowaniu powyższej tematyki niezbędny był opis warunków bytowych w australijskich i tasmańskich koloniach karnych. Autor dochodzi do wniosku, że orzekana kara zesłania świadczyła o punitywnym i niehumanitarnym systemie prawa. Ponadto wątpliwa była jej skuteczność.
Źródło:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica; 2018, 100; 69-84
0208-6050
2450-6990
Pojawia się w:
Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-9 z 9

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