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Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6
Tytuł:
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CANADIAN GOVERNMENT ACCORDING OF UKRAINIAN REFFUGIES FROM POLAND AFTER WORLD WAR II
Autorzy:
Witalij, Makar,
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/891829.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018-08-21
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego Apeiron w Krakowie
Tematy:
reffugies
displaced persons
repatriation
strategic interests
Opis:
The article is dedicated to Ukrainian reffugies and displaced persons which try to immigrate to the west, espesially to Canada from Polish territory and those who transitting the Poland from the former USSR after World War II. This research paper is based on the publications and documents from the Library and Archives Canada that gave the possibility to analize the correspondence of Canadian Federal Government Officials with Ukrainian representatives from the Ukrainian Canadian Congress according to immigration of reffugies and DP’s of Ukrainian descent.
Źródło:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje; 2014, 16; 268-283
2299-4033
Pojawia się w:
Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka – Refleksje
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Джерела і методологія дослідження сучасних українсько-польських відносин
Źródła i metodologia badań współczesnych stosunków polsko-ukraińskich
Autorzy:
Горбатенко, Володимир
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/489349.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Polskie Towarzystwo Naukowe w Żytomierzu
Tematy:
bilateral relations
Ukrainian-Polish cooperation
dialogue of cultures
strategic interests
security policy
public events
Opis:
One of the most important vectors of Ukraine’s contemporary development is its active policy in bilateral relations with the leading European countries, since such a policy opens the way for recognition of its European identity and forms unlimited opportunities for international cooperation on a mutually beneficial basis. Among the closest partners and the most reliable allies of Ukraine was and remains Poland, because here, hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians live, work and study without any special problems. In addition, the strengthening of strategic partnership with Poland contributes to the practical realization of the European choice of Ukraine. On the other hand, Poles are interested in the territorial integrity, independence and European orientation of Ukraine, seeing it an ally in confronting external threats. In connection with the aforementioned one of the most important directions of the study of the state and prospects of modern Ukrainian-Polish relations is the elucidation of the sources and methodology of their comprehension comprehension. Although any classification is conditional, it is still worth trying to identify the main sources whose potential is intended to strengthen the relations between the two countries and outline the methodological aspects of their use in order to strengthen Ukrainian-Polish cooperation. First of all, such sources should include the following. 1. The ideological and theoretical work of the representatives of Ukraine and Poland, aimed at finding ways to deepen mutual understanding between the two peoples. At the same time, particular attention should be paid to strategic considerations expressed on both sides, as well as reservations about the risks that accompany bilateral relations. Along with this, the important points for studying are the positions of people who are distinguished for their diligence, openness to mutual respect and mutual understanding. The ideological and theoretical potential of Ukrainian and Polish intellectuals, aimed at convergence, the dialogue of the cultures of the two countries, still needs to be properly studied and systematized, and can serve as an important basis for the state-building efforts of Ukraine and Poland in the future. 2. External and domestic legal acts and documents of strategic direction aimed at strengthening of bilateral relations. This vector of relationships was already established at the turn of the 20th - 21st centuries in the relevant international legal and internal documents: the Declaration on the Principles and Main Directions of Ukrainian-Polish Relations (October 13, 1990); Treaty on Good Neighborhood, Friendly Relations and Cooperation (May 18-19, 1992); Agreement on the legal status of the Ukrainian-Polish border (January 12, 1993); Communique on the results of the meeting of the Consultative Committee of the Presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland (September 27-28, 1995); Joint Statement for Understanding and Integration (May 21, 1997); Security Strategies of the Republic of Poland (2000); National Concept of Strategic Partnership Relations with the Republic of Poland (July 27, 2001); in a paper presented by the Polish political experts «The Eastern Policy of the Union in the Perspective of its Expansion through the States of Central and Eastern Europe - the Polish Point of View» (October 2003). Sufficiently strong legal and regulatory framework for bilateral relations between Ukraine and Poland is evidence of a gradual strengthening of political, economic, international legal and cultural cooperation. At the same time, a number of problems remain inadequate. First of all, it concerns border cooperation, common historical heritage, education, labor migration, etc. 3. Institutional system for the provision and coordination of mutual strategic interests of the two states. Today, this coordination is jointly carried out by: the Advisory Committee of the Presidents of Ukraine and the Republic of Poland; Ukrainian-Polish Mixed Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation; Ukrainian-Polish and Polish-Ukrainian parliamentary groups; Permanent Ukrainian-Polish Conference on European Integration; Polish Institute in Kyiv; Ukrainian-Polish, Polish-Ukrainian forums, Foundation Research Center Poland-Ukraine and others. In addition, there are a number of research structures in each of the countries that are highly specialized in the Polish-Ukrainian and Ukrainian-Polish issues. Accordingly, this direction should be monitored and the current evaluation of the effectiveness of these or other structural units should be carried out on the subject of a real impact on the quality of bilateral relations. At the same time, mutual understanding should be sought on the basis of openness, dialogue, compromise, and the avoidance of the formation of structures focused on unilateral consideration of disputed problems. 4. State-political decisions in the field of security policy, anti-hybrid foreign-policy threats. A real threat to the entire European security system was the aggressive policy of Russia in 2014. Under these conditions, Ukraine was the leading outpost of protecting European values and democratic order. Systemic comprehension of the existing experience in a vital military-strategic sphere will help to optimize the directions of further cooperation, in particular on such important issues as: the final determination by Ukraine of the transition to international standards in the military sphere; exchanging experience of reforming the troops and maintaining their combat readiness at an appropriate level; combining the efforts of all EU countries in combating hybrid threats, as well as conducting a single foreign and security policy; consolidated actions of the European states in relation to the offending state (point of application of sanctions, embargo, etc.); to develop, on the basis of the UN, a common position on the unconditional implementation by all countries of the world of the requirements of international law and the search for ways to improve it in order to resolve non-standard situations; the study of the NATO countries by the unique Ukrainian experience of functioning the state in a hybrid war. 5. The ideological and theoretical potential of public events (scientific conferences, debates, discussions, official meetings) that promote reconciliation with respect to controversial historical events, the dissolution of persistent stereotypes. From time to time, the recurrence of historical hostility between the two neighboring countries is given significant, including at the official level. First of all, these are the negative manifestations of mutual opposition, such as: the war of monuments to the dead Poles and Ukrainians; the dissemination at the level of mass consciousness of outdated stereotypical ideas humiliating national dignity; attempts to politicize the policy of memory through speculation on the tragic events of the past, in which the representatives of both nations suffered; the criticisms of the Polish radicals about the re-establishment of the Commonwealth at the borders of 1939 and the ill-conceived statements of some Ukrainians, which prompted «to forget about Poland for 25 years». The realization by Poland of offensive historical politics in Ukraine creates a reciprocal reaction in the issue of Ukraine’s implementation of its policy of memory and causes various kinds of distortions. Therefore, under the current conditions, monopolization of the policy of memory at the state level, without involving the general public, is extremely dangerous for the future. This remark applies to both Poland and Ukraine. Thus, despite current problems, today we have every reason to state the significant level of Ukrainian-Polish cooperation. At the same time, in the bilateral relations between Ukraine and Poland it is worth looking first and foremost on positive things, consolidating in the mass consciousness what unites the two Eastern European countries, to highlight the views of people who for years build a Polish-Ukrainian understanding: translate books, establish scientific cooperation, restore cemeteries, collect help for soldiers who guarantee European security in eastern Ukraine. The progressive forces of both countries, regardless of the various kinds of provocations, should be abstracted from the insinuations of the marginal environment, reveal wisdom in assessing historical events, and determine common priorities not only for the medium term, but also for the long-term perspective. The level of mutual relations between the two countries depends on the possibility of realizing the needs of national minorities - Ukrainian in Poland and Polish in Ukraine. In addition, the strengthening of intergovernmental cooperation will contribute to establishing closer cooperation between Ukrainian and Polish societies in general, which depends largely on the future of both countries in the European House of Spies.
Źródło:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona; 2018, 8; 51-57
2312-8933
Pojawia się w:
Studia Politologica Ucraino-Polona
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
KORESPONDENCJA RZĄDU KANADYJSKIEGO WOBEC UCHODŹCÓW UKRAIŃSKICH Z POLSKI PO II WOJNIE ŚWIATOWEJ
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF CANADIAN GOVERNMENT TO UKRAINIAN REFUGEES FROM POLAND AFTER WORLD WAR II
Autorzy:
MAKAR, WITALIJ
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/550667.pdf
Data publikacji:
2014
Wydawca:
Wyższa Szkoła Biznesu i Przedsiębiorczości w Ostrowcu Świętokrzyskim
Tematy:
uchodźcy
repatriacja przymusowa
kwestia narodowościowa
osoby przemieszczone
strefa interesów strategicznych
refugees
forced repatriation
question of nationality
displaced people
strategic interests areas
Opis:
Autor artykułu przeprowadził badanie uchodźstwa ukraińskiego z terenów polskich, a także przez Polskę z terenów byłego ZSRR po II wojnie światowej na Zachód, przede wszystkim do Kanady. Badanie oparto na materiałach i dokumentach pochodzących przeważnie z Biblioteki i Archiwów Kanady (Library and Archives Canada). W artykule przeanalizowano korespondencję kanadyjskich władz federalnych ze społecznym środowiskiem ukraińskim tego kraju dotyczącą losów uchodźców.
The author of the article conducted a research concerning the Ukrainian refugees from Polish territories and also through Poland from the former USSR after the WWII going West, mainly to Canada. The research is based on materials and documents coming mostly from the Canadian Library and Achieves. In the article the author analysed the correspondence between the Canadian federal authorities and the Ukrainian society concerning the refugees’ fate.
Źródło:
Acta Scientifica Academiae Ostroviensis. Sectio A, Nauki Humanistyczne, Społeczne i Techniczne; 2014, Nr 4(2); 30-48
2300-1739
Pojawia się w:
Acta Scientifica Academiae Ostroviensis. Sectio A, Nauki Humanistyczne, Społeczne i Techniczne
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Comparative Analysis of the 2007 and 2014 Polish National Security Strategies
Autorzy:
Szulc, Tadeusz
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/504006.pdf
Data publikacji:
2018
Wydawca:
Międzynarodowa Wyższa Szkoła Logistyki i Transportu
Tematy:
National security,
national strategy,
politically,
national interests and strategic goals
Opis:
The aim of the paper is the comparison of 2007 and 2014 National Security Strategies focusing on the role of Armed Forces in the system of National Security. Moreover, the author tries to verify the need for changes in relation to the current international situation in Central and Eastern Europe. The parts of this analysis are related to the given chapters of the strategies. The article indicates the reasons and presents conclusions resulting from the changes incorporating in the current document. Moreover, the author analyses the legitimacy of adjustments in the context of current threats to the security of Poland and Europe.
Źródło:
Logistics and Transport; 2018, 39, 3; 87-84
1734-2015
Pojawia się w:
Logistics and Transport
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
Public diplomacy of the Republic of Finland and features of its implementation in Ukraine
Autorzy:
Anisimovych-Shevchuk, Olha
Troian, Valeriia
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/2137421.pdf
Data publikacji:
2022
Wydawca:
Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa w Chełmie
Tematy:
public diplomacy
strategic communications
international relations
national interests
state brand
Republic of Finland
Opis:
The article is focused on public diplomacy viewed as the instrument of soft power of the state and the ability to persuade and create reputation as well as cultural and institutional attractiveness. Moreover, the paper emphasizes the importance of the correct formation of priorities and values of the state, and skillful national branding. The authors pay a particular attention to the foreign policy of the Republic of Finland in the context of public diplomacy service. Hence, developmental phases of the Finnish public diplomacy were given. In addition, a special attention was paid to the functional features of public authorities with reference to public diplomacy viewed as an important factor in international relations and the national interest protection of Finland. Therefore, the spheres of public diplomacy such as the cultural, educational-scientic, public, or digital diplomacy of Finland are under analysis, too. Additionally, the means and methods of public diplomacy, including those practiced in Ukraine were under particular attention. Thus, a special emphasis was put on the national brandmark and international position of the State. Based on the conducted empirical research which conrms the necessity of further cooperation between Ukraine and Finland, aimed at implementation of public diplomacy tools, there were given recommendations concerning the execution of the means and methods of "soft power".
Źródło:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal; 2022, 1; 231-246
2450-3576
2719-3217
Pojawia się w:
Language. Culture. Politics. International Journal
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
Tytuł:
On why the Court did not want to fight smog, or several comments on the resolution of the Polish Supreme Court on the right to live in a clean environment
Autorzy:
Bielska-Brodziak, Agnieszka
Drapalska-Grochowicz, Marlena
Suska, Marek
Powiązania:
https://bibliotekanauki.pl/articles/28863215.pdf
Data publikacji:
2023
Wydawca:
Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
Tematy:
right to live in a clean environment
personal interests
strategic litigation
climate change litigation
breakthrough in interpretation
Opis:
The authors analyse the 2021 ruling by the Polish Supreme Court, which refused to acknowledge the right to live in a clean environment as a personal interest. The purpose of the paper is not only to evaluate the quality of the Supreme Court’s argumentation, but also to highlight the implicit premises that were missing from the grounds of the decision. Based on these findings, the authors draw broader conclusions about the circumstances that increase the likelihood of pro-environmental (including pro-climate) court decisions and breakthroughs in interpretation. The authors use the latter term to describe the situation of challenging the previous, widely accepted interpretation of certain legal provisions, favouring a different interpretation that considers societal changes in values and beliefs. The authors evaluate the Supreme Court’s arguments and put forward the thesis that the construction of personal interests was not the primary reason for rejecting the recognition of the right to live in a clean environment as a new personal interest. The authors used two methods to search for the hidden premises of the Supreme Court’s resolution: (i) they examined the discourse supporting the rejection of the right to live in a clean environment as a personal interest, and (ii) they placed the resolution in its socio-political context. The authors identify four conditions that increase the likelihood of pro-environmental (and pro-climate) court judgments: (i) the condition of costs’ expediency, (ii) the condition of individualization of responsibility, (iii) the condition of respect for the judiciary and (iv) the condition of public support. The last two conditions apply to interpretative breakthroughs in general, regardless of the subject matter.
Źródło:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny; 2023, 85, 3; 27-41
0035-9629
2543-9170
Pojawia się w:
Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny
Dostawca treści:
Biblioteka Nauki
Artykuł
    Wyświetlanie 1-6 z 6

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