“Weimar triangle” has appeared as a political and diplomatic configuration in 1991, reflecting the new geopolitical situation in the region of Central and Eastern Europe after the ending of so-called “velvet revolutions”. After the collapse of the Soviet camp and the USSR, all these countries had to seek the new partners and alternative forms of interaction. The main foreign reference-point was the political integration with EU states. The active engagement of Poland into these processes, as one of the biggest countries of “new Europe” according to a number of population and a scale of territory, became the main task of Europe. The appearance of the new geopolitical formation, gave the opportunity to the Germans and French to keep the Poles within the bounds of the negotiation process and constant dialogue, exercising control of the reforms
in the fields of Warsaw foreign and international policy in the 90s.
The main goal was reached and Poland became a full-right member of the EU in May 2004. Due to the strengthening of french-german-polish ties, the project “Weimar triangle” gradually is asserting itself as the subregional actor, which can exert the influence on the politics of the EU. This is proved by the enlargement of form of the triangle interaction, and its transformation into “Weimar triangle+” with the participation of Spain and Italy.
Taking into account the political heft of “Weimar triangle”, the cooperation of these three states in the defence area raised in importance. During last ten years Poland, France and Germany initiated a great number of the different project in this direction: “Weimar brigade” – organized with the aim to carry out the joint EU operations and the coordination of the civil and military components; the constant negotiations with Russia, discussing its role in the system of the European security and other European integration processes; the collaboration with Northern European states (Ghent initiative) and the setting up of the project “Polling and Sharing” in order to use the finances for the military needs. But one of the main obstacles on the way of realization of all its projects is that all EU member-states now came very close to the creation of the collective military potential and have to delegate some of their sovereign rights to the competence of the specialized EU institutions. As a consequence, it can lead to the split between the opponents and supporters of the Common Foreign and Security Police and could temporary suspend the integration processes in this sphere.
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